Abstract

Cult Trauma and Recovery

Chapter 1

Introduction

It is a common estimate that there = are over 3,000 cults in the United States alone with a combined membership of over 3 million (Crawley, 1990), leaving the number of former members at several ti= mes that amount. The psychological effects to those involved in cults as well as their families are often devastating. 1/3 to 1/2 of those involved in destructive cults suffer severe psychological damage (Schwartz, 1985). Most cults use subtle but powerful techniques of psychological manipulation, including fear indoctrination, sleep deprivation and nutritional restrictio= ns (Hassan, 1990), which render the victim practically defenseless to the exploitive techniques of the group and unaware of their plight. The freedom= of choice is systematically undermined (Singer, 1990), and in many cases, the detrimental repercussions of the unhealthy cultic relationships do not unfo= ld to their full extent until the member leaves or is ejected by the group its= elf. At the same time, abusive groups invest great amounts of money and manpower= to discredit critics and to establish a positive a positive public image. What= is a cult? What exactly causes people to join? Are there predisposing factors? Does “mind control” exist? What are the effects of cult mind ab= use, and what helps former members in their recovery process? These are some of = the important questions to be answered by this research.

Problem Statement

Since cults in contrast to legitima= te religious and secular organizations inherently use deception and manipulati= on to recruit and control members (West, 1990), the general public, including a large number of mental health professionals, educators, politicians, and pu= blic health officials, has failed to recognize and take preventative measures against this public health hazard.

As a former cult member and counsel= ing psychology major, the author originally set out to develop a self-help manu= al for recovering former cult members. Through his research, however, he reali= zed that in order to help former members effectively, one needs to have an understanding of the background and dynamics of cult mind abuse. He also be= came sensitized to the larger scale problem of a gross lack of education regardi= ng cult-related issues. Not only do former cult members not know what steps are vital to their recovery, but, perhaps even more importantly, the majority of mental health professionals, educators and the public in general display a disconcerting level of ignorance. Consequently, cults continue to grow and abuse unchecked, psychological harm to cult victims escalates, and former members are misdiagnosed and mistreated by mental health providers and by t= heir own social environment.

The purpose of this study then is to develop a concise, comprehensive educational model regarding cult mind abuse and recovery for mental health professionals, educators and other public servants, as well as for former cult members.

A problem in regard to former membe= rs is that due to the fear indoctrination used by cults they often do not seek professional help. They have been “programmed” to avoid “psychologists and the like.” Hence, in the view of the author,= it is of paramount importance to provide self-help tools, such as books, audio= and video programs to “bridge the gap” and allow the former member = to come to a level of understanding and emotional stability where he can seek professional help. It is the author’s hope and expectation that this study may serve as a resource and that it may be expanded upon in the futur= e to provide further tools.

One of the obstacles in this resear= ch is that factual, scientific research with present and former cult members is difficult and very limited due to the nature of cult mind abuse. Another hu= rdle to pass is the task of reducing the vast and complex amount of cult-related information into concise, comprehensive concepts which make up the structur= e of the educational model’s framework.

Rationale

This study has been conducted becau= se education in the area of cult-related issues is desperately needed. Due to a general lack of understanding on the side of the public, cults with their psychologically harmful practices continue to grow virtually unchecked and former members do not receive the help they need for their recovery. The ge= neral tendency of society, as Herman (1992, p.8,9) puts it, is to side with the perpetrator, because it is psychologically easier than siding with the vict= im. While siding with the perpetrator requires nothing of the bystander, siding with the victim requires sharing the victim’s burden of pain and outr= age, and feeling compelled to act upon the injustice. These patterns can and nee= d to be altered through information and education, through exposing the truth ab= out the reality of manipulative, abusive practices. Exposing a problem and rais= ing public awareness is the first step in initiating the process of change.

This study then proposes to examine= the causes and effects of cult involvement and to develop a comprehensive educational model for cult trauma and recovery.

Conceptualizing cult-related issues= in a comprehensive educational model can be of great aid not only for assuring proper treatment of present and former cult-members, but—even more importantly—for the prevention of cultic involvement. As in the medic= al arena, prevention is infinitely easier and less expensive than crisis treat= ment and rehabilitation. It is the vision of the author, a former cult member himself, that such a model would be taught in mental health schools, traini= ng facilities and seminars, in high schools, universities, government agencies, and law schools.

Chapter 2=

Related Literature

The study of psychological trauma -= A forgotten history

The most profound and significant p= iece of recent literature relevant to the study of cult mind abuse is “Trauma= and Recovery” (Herman, 1992). In the first chapter, Herman writes,=

“Th= e study of psychological trauma has a curious history—on of episodic amnesia. Periods of active investigation have alternated with periods of oblivion...= The study of psychological trauma does not languish for lack of interest. Rathe= r, the subject provokes such intense controversy that it periodically becomes anathema. The study of psychological trauma has repeatedly led into realms = of the unthinkable and foundered on fundamental questions of belief. To study psychological trauma is to come face to face both with human vulnerability = in the natural world and with the capacity for evil in human nature.” (p= .7)

People resist paradigm changes, esp= ecially if the new, more accurate paradigms, are uncomfortable, intimidating, and culturally unacceptable.

In describing the dilemma of studyi= ng psychological trauma, Herman illuminates the controversy surrounding cult m= ind abuse and recovery as well:

“To= study psychological trauma means bearing witness to horrible events. When the eve= nts are natural disasters or “acts of God,” those who bear witness sympathize readily with the victim. But when the traumatic events are of hu= man design, those who bear witness are caught in the conflict between victim and perpetrator. It is morally impossible to remain neutral in this conflict. T= he bystander is forced to take sides. It is very tempting to take the side of = the perpetrator. All the perpetrator asks is that the bystander do nothing. He = appeals to the universal desire to see, hear, and speak no evil. The victim, on the contrary, asks the bystander to share the burden of pain. The victim demands action, engagement, and remembering.” (p.7)

&nbs= p;

What complicates matters and makes = the discernment of truth more difficult is that

“In= order to escape accountability for his crimes, the perpetrator does everything in his power to promote forgetting. Secrecy and silence are the perpetrator’s first line of defense. If secrecy fails, the perpetrator attacks the credibility of his victim. If he cannot silence her absolutely, he tries to make sure that no one listens. To this end, he marshals an impressive array= of arguments, from the most blatant denial to the most sophisticated and elega= nt rationalization. After every atrocity one can expect to hear the same predictable apologies: it never happened; the victim lies; the victim exaggerates; the victim brought it upon herself; and in any case it is time= to forget the past and move on. The more powerful the perpetrator, the greater= is his prerogative to name and define reality, and the more completely his arguments prevail.” (p. 8)

Herman connects the intermittent di= smissal of the subject not only with resistance to “politically incorrectR= 21; ideas, but also to the often devastating effects to its proponents:<= /p>

“It= is not only the patients but also the investigators of post-traumatic conditions w= hose credibility is repeatedly challenged. Clinicians who listen too long and too carefully to traumatized patients often become suspect among their colleagu= es, as though contaminated by contact.” (p.9)

As she unravels the fascinating his= tory of the study of trauma in the first chapter, it appears as an illustration of = this point that professional isolation and pressure may have been the primary ca= use for Freud to negate his revolutionary—and socially unacceptable—claim that hysteria of women was attributable to “one or more occurrences of prem= ature sexual experience, occurrences which belong to the earliest years of childhood” (p.13)—which apparently was understood to mean childhood sexual abuse. The implication that such atrocity was connected to= the hysteria of even upper class women was too repulsive and unthinkable. Establishing an even larger context, Herman points out that the life and de= ath of a controversial issue such as the study of trauma depends on its connect= ion to an ideological or political agenda.

“As= long as the study of hysteria was part of an ideological crusade, discoveries in the field were widely applauded and scientific investigators were esteemed for their humanity and courage. But once this political impetus had faded, these same investigators found themselves compromised by the nature of their discoveries and by their close involvement with their women patients.” (p.17)

&nbs= p;

A similar plight and challenge of credibility seems to face investigators of cult-related issues and professionals working with former cult members—except that they do not enjoy the political support the investigators of hysteria did at the time. = The causal reality of mind abuse underlying cult trauma is as much in question today as the reality of domestic violence against women as the primary caus= e of hysteria was in the days of Freud.

What is a cult? (Definitions)

As Singer, Temerlin, and Langone (1= 990) stated,

“Cu= ltic relationships refer to those relationships in which a person intentionally induces others to become tota= lly or nearly totally dependent on him or her for almost all major life decisio= ns, and inoculates in these followers a belief that he or she has some special talent, gift, or knowledge.” (p. 101)

Accordingly, a cult has been defined by the UCLA Neuropsychiatric Institute, t= he American Family Foundation, and the Jonson Foundation as

“..= .a group or movement exhibiting a great or excessive devotion or dedication to some person, idea, or thing, and employing unethically manipulative techniques of persuasion and control (e.g., isolation from former friends and family, debilitation, use of special methods to heighten suggestibility and subservience, powerful group pressures, information management, suspension = of individuality or critical judgment, promotion of total dependency on the gr= oup and fear of leaving it, etc.) designed to advance the goals of the group’s leaders, to the actual or possible detriment of members, their families, or the community.” (Singer et al., 1990, p. 102)

Chambers et al. (1994) offer an empirical definition:

“Cu= lts are groups that often exploit members psychologically and/or financially, typic= ally by making members comply with leadership’s demands through certain ty= pes of psychological manipulation, popularly called mind control, and through t= he inculcation of deep-seated anxious dependency on the group and its leaders.” (p.105)

In other words, cults are groups wh= ich systematically undermine their members’ freedom of choice and cause t= hem to enter into a dependent relationship with the group or its leader, isolat= ed from their previous social context. The individual is manipulated to unquestioningly comply with and further the agenda of the group, often to h= is own detriment or that of his[1] family and society. Hence, identifying elements of cultic groups, according= to Singer at al. (1990) are:

1. member= s’ excessively zealous, unquestioning commitment to the identity and the leadership of the group

2. the in= duction of dependency through the use of manipulative and exploitative techniques of persuasion and control; and

3. the te= ndency to harm members, their families, and / or society (p.103)

&nbs= p;

As Hassan (1990) stated, there are = four main types of cults: religious, political, psychotherapy/educational and commercial cults. Although the particular structure and belief system of th= ese groups may vary, all of them exhibit the above qualities to some extent, an= d their underlying agenda is to gain wealth, power and control. Because, as Singer = et al. (1990) observe, cults profess to help members but in actuality exploit them, cults develop a double agenda in which they employ a dual set of norm= s in operation at the same time. The surface norms which stress the idealism and righteousness of the cause are subordinated to the deeper, hidden designs a= nd purposes of the organization or group - and quite often contradict the inner teachings. Whereas the food distribution “Project Volunteer” of= Sun Myung Moon’s student branch of the Unification Church (CARP) in San Francisco, CA, is proclaimed to be an expression of goodwill and public service, the underlying agenda may be to recruit members, to save money by gathering free food for members, and to improve the public image and thus recruiting power of the group.

All cult-activities have essentiall= y two purposes: to make money or to recruit new members. All activities can be tr= aced back to these basic goals because the single most important purpose of a cu= lt is to sustain itself and to grow in power and status - without regard for i= ts surroundings, i.e. society. An illustrative comparison would be a cancer ce= ll which, rather than working in balance and harmony with the system, reproduc= es itself and tries to populate the entire system ...at the expense of that system.

Historical Background of Cult Mind = Abuse

Cultic manipulation and mind abuse = find their most obvious historical roots in the Chinese cultural revolution, in which Mao Tse-Tung used a carefully orchestrated array of psychological techniques to effectively indoctrinate the intellectual elite of China with Communist ideology (Lifton, 1961). Terms that have been associated with describing the phenomenon, such as “thought reform” (Lifton, 19= 61), “coercive persuasion” (Schein, 1956, 1961), and “mind control” (Hassan, 1990), are an attempt to conceptualize this complex= and subtle process of social influence which causes people to undergo often dra= matic paradigm, personality and life-style changes.

As West (1993) puts it,

“Un= der certain kinds of stress or duress, individuals can be made to comply with t= he demands of those in power - adopt beliefs and behaviors far different from those that were characteristic of them before the stress was applied.”= ;

&nbs= p;

Lifton (1961) identified eight aspe= cts of “thought reform”:

1) milieu control (control of the environment and information)

2) mystical manipulation (surrounding the leader with an mystical aura of moral perfection or superhuman qualities; “planned spontaneity”: indu= cing “spiritual experiences” through psychological manipulation)

3) the demand for purity (requiring absolute obedience and compliance with the rules and expectations of the group)

4) the cult of confessi= on (inducing guilt for non-compliance; requiring confession as a means of cleansing and restoring oneself in order to use the confessed weaknesses against the vict= im to control him/her)<= /span>

5) the sacred science (pseudo-scientific rationale for the groups teaching; all criticism is discredited as “illogical”, “unreasonable= 221; and “negative” or “evil”)

6) the loading of language (the use thought-reducing clichés which an instant, simplified analysis and solution for the “problem” in = line with the cult ideology; e.g. “He has a Cain-Abel problem!” in Moonie language means that the member - in the position of the biblical Cain (further from God than Abel whose offering was received by God) - is disobedient or rebellious and should “submit” to his leader in = the position of “Abel”.

7) doctrine over person (the teaching and purposes of the group are more important = than the welfare of the individual; members are often asked to sacrifice themsel= ves “for the cause”.

8) the dispensing of existence (anyone outside the group or anyone who disagre= es with the ideology of the group is denied any human rights - including the r= ight of existence - and is often declared as “non-human”; this expla= ins for example why during the communist revolution millions of people were kil= led; they were labeled “bourgeois pigs” or “counter-revolutionaries” and thus did not fit Marx’ definition of a human being: part of the proletariat (revolutionary working class).

Singer et al. (1990), who trace the evolution of terminology from “brainwashing - a colloquial term appli= ed to any technique designed to manipulate human thought or action against the desire, will, or knowledge of the individual” (Encyclopedia Britannica, 1975) to the later concept of “thought reform” (Lifton, 1961), a more accurate translation of= the original Chinese term, distinguish between “first” and “second generation programs”: Whereas first generation programs attack a peripheral property of self, i.e. social and political views, seco= nd generation programs “attack the core sense of being—the central= self-image, the very sense of realness and existence of the self.” (Ofshe & Singer, 1986, p.18)

Cults and cult apologists often dis= miss the concept of thought reform based on studies such as two studies (Barker, 198= 3; Galanter, 1980; cited in Singer, 1990) done on two of the less successful centers of one organization which show that only approximately 10% of the persons recruited into an introductory workshop leave their old lives behind and become full-time missionaries for the group within one month (Barker, 1= 983; Galanter, 1980). As Singer et al. (1990) observe, the percentages may well = be higher, as for example four “dropouts” were taken away by paren= ts. Had the parents not interfered, the percentage remaining after one month wo= uld have been 13%. But even if only 10% joined—the dramatic impact of tho= ught reform becomes evident when these numbers are compared to the effectiveness= of, for example, a Billy Graham crusade: “2% - 5% of the attendees ‘make a decision for Christ’ and only about half of these conve= rts are active a year later. About 15% remain permanently converted.” (Fr= ank, 1974, p.82). The 10% who join = a cult become FULL-TIME members who dedicate their life, give up their personal and career goals, and focus on making money for the group and recruiting more full-time members ...who will in turn recruit further “dedicated̶= 1; members. “Most of these recruits had simply been approached on the street, whereas most non-believers at Billy Graham crusades had already substantial contact with evangelists before.” (Singer et al., 1990, p. 105) In other words, without the manipulative thought reform techniques use= d by cults, people will not suddenly commit their life to a group and cause they have never been in contact with before.

Who gets involved in cults?<= /p>

As stated by MacHovec (1991), all populations, from children to adults are at risk of cultic influence and manipulation. Galper (1981) pointed out that initial requests for consultat= ion concerning cult-related problems are made either by concerned parents of a young adult who is an active cult member or by a person who has left a cult= and seeks help in readjusting to “normal life.” Most of the cases he treated were parent referred. Cult members generally are indoctrinated with phobias against mental health professionals and all people who could help t= hem to realize that they are being manipulated. As cult members leave the group, they often sustain these fears and although they may realize that they need help, they generally won’t consult a mental health worker out of their own initiative (Galper, 1981). Having been abused and mistreated by the organization they had invested their faith, trust, time and energy in, most former cult members are very suspicious of any organization or “professional.” Hence, as Solomon (1991) observes, there are no meaningful statistics on the number of people who leave destructive cults a= nd no clear picture emerges regarding the frequency of maladaptive conditions following cult involvement. Nonetheless, a significant number of people com= ing out of cults experience severely neurotic or psychotic-like symptoms for wh= ich they seek recovery by consulting psychotherapists and counselors.

What causes people to get involved = in cults?

(How does cult manipulation work?)<= /span>

Contrary to common belief, cultic involvement appears not to be a result or reflection of long-standing psychological problem, but rather a result of the powerful psychological methods of influence used by the cults. Cults use various sophisticated techniques of thought reform (Lifton, 1961), hypnosis, and hypnotic suggest= ion to bind and exploit members. According to Louis West (1990), the persuasive techniques used by totalist cults to bind and exploit their members are powerful and effective enough to assure recruitment and retention of a significant percentage of those approached.

&nb= sp; a. Cognitive Dissonance

&nb= sp;           Cults illicit compliance and conformity of a new recruit primarily by producing cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1964) within the individual, that is, by introducing existential questions, information, and environmental changes that cause conflict between the person’s thoughts, feelings and behavior Since a human being can tole= rate only a certain level of such dissonance, he will alter one or all three asp= ects of his identity to compensate. A profound paradigm shift and change of personality results.

One example of cognitive dissonance= is phobia indoctrination (Hassan, 1990, p.64, 169), which primarily affects the thoughts and emotions of the individual, = thus causing a change in behavior as well. If a person is made to believe that leaving the group will cause him and his family to be destroyed by satan, t= hat fear will alter his behavior: he will stay, even though he may want to leav= e.

        &= nbsp;   b. Undue Influence: The “Evil Nurse” & The Stockholm Syndrome<= o:p>

        &= nbsp;           &nbs= p;   1. The Case of the “Evil Nurse”

&nb= sp;           Simi= lar to West, Singer (93) describes compliance as a victim’s survival type response to being subjected to extreme stress. In a study regarding undue influence and legal documents, she cites the example of the “Evil Nurse” who came to completely control the life, property and financial resources of an 80-year-old lady who lived alone. The nurse and her nephew created a situation of complete physical and mental dependence for Ms. Rose= , leading her to believe that they were her sole means of support and protection. Sin= ger identified the mechanisms of influence employed by the nurse and her conspirators (p. 26-29):

(1) Isolation:              &= nbsp;           &nbs= p; Isolation is achieved by controlling as closely as possible all avenues of communication to and from the victim, as well as all social interaction. The manipulator desires to create and convince the victim of t= he existence of a pseudo world, and to accept a myth which is supported by the surrounding events and conditions that the manipulators establish.

(2) Creating a Siege Mentality:  &nbs= p; To amplify the effects of isolation and to increase dependence= , the manipulators introduce a fear of the outside world in form of an imaginary threat. In Ms. Rose’s case, her children, friends, neighbors, even the police in their exercise yard were labeled as greedy, selfish, scheming, plotting individuals and potential criminals who were “out to get her”.

(3) Dependency:      &= nbsp;           &nbs= p;     Through the above techniques, the individual is pushed into a relationship of complete dependence. Ms. Rose was led to see herself as alo= ne, cut off, unable to walk easily. She was led to believe that these “helping” persons (her captors) were the only trustworthy people available. That only they, in effect, could preserve Ms. Rose’s life.=

(4) Sense of Powerlessness:       Through the isolation, siege mentality and dependency the victim is led to see that only the influencer or the one in charge has the power to do anything.

(5) Sense of Vulnerability:   &n= bsp;       Through exaggerating Ms. Rose’s physical problems and by instilling fears of her environment, the evil nurse and her accomplices rendered the old lady feeling vulnerable, helpless and dependent on her captors.

(6) Staying Unaware:    &nb= sp;             To maintain the pseudo world which allowed the manipulators to control Ms. Rose, they kept her unaware and uninformed about the constructi= on of this false reality, the playing upon fear, the lies, exaggerations, deceptions, and manipulations.

        &= nbsp;           &nbs= p;   2. The Stockholm Syndrome

&nb= sp;           As Singer (93) observed, the conditions established by the evil nurse and her cohorts very much resembled, if not equaled, those conditions that produce = the Stockholm syndrome, a virtually paradoxical bonding between captors and captives: In 1973, four people who were held captive by bank robbers in a v= ault for six days came to see the police and the outside world as their enemies = and dangerous. They came to identify and bond with their captors. The four conditions that have been identified as leading to the development of the syndrome are

(1) the captor threatens the victim= ’s survival or the victim feels his/her survival is threatened;

(2) the person is in a situation in= which he/she cannot escape or thinks he/she cannot;

(3) the victim becomes isolated from others;

(4) the captor shows some kindness or expression of “love”.<= /p>
(Singer, 1993 p. 29)

The relevance of this study is that= it seems to apply to a multitude of similar situations, as other research has shown (Graham & Rawlings, 1991; Boulette & Anderson, 1986; Fulton, = 1987):

The bonding between victims and the= ir captors occurs as a common human survival strategy for battered women, hostages, incest victims, abused children, prostitutes with pimps, prisoner= s of war, Chinese civilians imprisoned during Mao Tse-tung’s reign, careta= kers and their ill charges and ...cult members. (Singer, 1993) Boulette (1986), = in his study of battered women, includes the aspects of guilt induction and ea= rly verbal or physical dominance, which even more closely resembles cultic relationships.

        &= nbsp;   c. The Influence Continuum (Langone)

&nb= sp;           Lang= one (89), in an article on ethical considerations for social influence, establi= shes an influence continuum which is helpful for assessing the nature of any gro= up. He distinguishes between choice-respecting and compliance-gaining methods of influence, the latter of which he indicates to be unethical. The choice-respecting methods are primarily educative and advisory in nature. E= ven the persuasive method of influence on this side of the continuum, which includes message-oriented rational arguments and therapeutic hypnosis, resp= ects the rights of the individual by requiring the individual’s informed consent and by avoiding deceptive manipulation.

The compliance-gaining spectrum ext= ends from persuasive—using compliance oriented rational arguments, complia= nce hypnosis and compliance tactics (e.g., reciprocation, social proof)—to controlling methods, which include such highly manipulative practices as: selective reward and punishment (behavioral conditioning), isolation, denig= ration of self and critical thinking, induction of dissociative states to suppress doubt and produce compliance, pressured public confessions, active promotio= n of dependency, debilitation, and physical restraint and punishment (p.19).

        &= nbsp;   d. Hypnotic Techniques Used In Cult Conversion (Based On Erickson)<= /span>

&nb= sp;           There have been numerous studies suggesting that hypnotic techniques are being employed by cults for the recruitment and induction process. The most significant one is perhaps a study done by Miller (1986), who analyzes cult indoctrination based on Milton Erickson's model of hypnotic communication. = He writes,

“Hy= pnosis is an altered state of consciousness in which conscious critical assessment of suggestions by others may be suspended or diminished. Indirect suggestive techniques described by therapist Milton H. Erickson consist of implication= s, metaphors, and non-verbal communications which resemble the indoctrination techniques reported in “new” religious group conversion procedures.” (p. 243)

Miller describes trance as a “phenomenon of split or distracted consciousness in which critical faculties—reflection, rational thinking, independent judgment, and decision making—are somewhat modified or suspended. In trance, the conscious mind does not incessantly chatter and obsess over what is being heard, but listens passively without reflection or critical judgment. It is= not unreasonable to expect that the often-reported cult indoctrination procedur= es of endlessly repetitive lectures, long hours of work without sufficient sle= ep, and low protein diet would produce an altered state of consciousness in most people.” (p. 244) Being asked to “keep questions until = after the lectures” and to “l= earn (i.e. memorize without questioning) all the material first before judging it̶= 1; may also well be the sort of hypnotic suggestions which, if accepted, produ= ce a state of suspended critical thinking or trance. Miller parallels cult recruiting techniques with the “pacing and leading” used by Erickson to skillfully reflect his patients behavior, build rapport, and le= ad them to a fulfillment of their own expectations. Using “buzz words= 221; such as love, peace, and brotherhood, cult recruiters subtly induce complia= nt behavior, which by the recruit is merely perceived as the realization of his own values and goals.

“Recruiters are instructed to= mirror the interests and attitudes of the recruit,” claiming that they are ‘into’ whatever the recruit is into, and thus establishing that ‘we are alike.’ ...Skilled recruiters are able to carry the rec= ruit to a deeper level of suggestibility by using the same sort of pacing as that employed by the hypnotist. If this is successful, the recruit allows the recruiter to define the recruit’s reality.” (p.245)

The recruiter then exploits the pos= itive transference phenomena by creating a “situation, or ‘context,’ in which the subject will act appropriately to pleas= e a benevolent ‘parent’ figure. Some groups invite recruits to dinn= er and then ‘love bomb’ them. Recruits are pampered and made to fe= el like special people. Very quickly, regressive urges to childhood behavior a= rise as recruits are hand-fed sections of orange from smiling peers who seem to accept the recruits totally, ‘warts and all.’ ” As Miller puts it, true, “unconditional acceptance is found only in a parent’s love for a newborn child. Only an infant is really loved and fully accepted for ‘himself.’ Positive transference is created = by this apparent acceptance as the recruit experiences his newfound friends as ‘good’ and giving parent figures.” (p. 246) In groups like the Unification Church, the recruiter is even referred to as the “spiritual parent” who is responsible for “eternal life” of the “spiritual babyR= 21; - meaning that the recruiter is responsible for making the recruit accept t= he group’s ideology. Although the recruit perceives the pampering as “unconditional, true love,” the recruiter in reality is investi= ng very conditional “love” to turn the recruit into the potential “good member” he sees in the recruit. The nature of this “love” becomes quite apparent when the recruit does not accept = the teaching and dares to criticize it or chooses not to join the group. Then, = very quickly, the “unconditional love” is withdrawn and the rebellious re= cruit is perceived as a “goat that needs to be separated from the sheep,= 221; meaning that he needs to be cut off from contact with other potential recru= its, and eventually, the group itself.

Miller also the use of indirect sug= gestions by cult recruiters based on Erickson, who discovered that most adults were unable to accept direct suggestions about their behavior because this was t= oo great a threat to their sense of autonomy. He cites the example of a newspaperman who “infiltrated” an indoctrination camp and, after three and a half hours of sleep was asked to join in morning calisthenics at 6:30 am. After doing twenty jumping jacks, a familiar exercise, the recruits were asked by the leader, a member of the group, to do “free-style= 221; jumping jacks. Bewildered, the only way for the newcomers to proceed was to= observe the members and do what they did. “Within moments of waking up, the demand to do ‘free-style’ jumping jacks developed a conformity = mind set among the recruits. They were following others in the name of freedom!” (p. 247) Anoth= er suggestion given to recruiters, to look for “warm and fuzzy people,” is also an indirect suggestion to “be” a warm and fuzzy person, one who is not intellectual or questioning, but one who is qu= ite childlike. Miller mentions the use of metaphor and interspersal of directiv= e messages in a similar context. The “Yes Set” and “Confusion Techniques” he refers to are a series of statements to which the hypnotist (or recruiter) is certain there will be agreement and affirmation. This established “yes” set “ensures that subsequent state= ments and questions are agreed with and affirmed” even if they are illogical conclusions and would otherwise not be acceptable to the subject. “The subject’s critical faculties have been lulled into acceptance.”= (p. 248) Miller gives an excellent= and fascinating illustration based on a belief in God as the only assumption:

“Go= d is the origin of us all (yes). Everything comes from God (yes), and without God th= ere cannot be anything (yes). Nothing can exit without God (yes). This is the m= ost essential understanding of God (yes). Nevertheless, we came to be unable to understand God (yes); therefore, we lost everything. (Here the transition f= rom pacing to leading begins with a non-sequitur. There is nothing in the statements previously agreed to which suggests that we lose everything with= out an understanding of God. All religions speak of the incomprehensibility of = the deity.) We became unable to understand anything. (This again is a logical non-sequitur. “We cannot understand God” does not mean we cannot understand anything. Placed in the sequence, it seems to make sense.) We ca= me not to understand anything because we lost God. (This ties the entire passa= ge together with a statement of total ignorance.)” (p. 248)

&nbs= p;

“The effect of long nonration= al arguments of this sort,” Miller continues, “presented to young adults who are already tired and confused, is the real belief that they are unable to understand anything...” - and thus need to rely on their recruiters to explain and define reality for them. “This is the essen= ce of the confusion technique. Erickson describes the effectiveness of this technique as being an example of a man’s need for the world to make s= ense and have a meaning.” Hence, after a series of illogical statements, “when one is confused for any length of time, the first apparently sensible, straightforward statement made is accepted.” (p. 248)

PREDISPOSING FACTORS FOR SUSCEPTIBI= LITY TO CULT RECRUITMENT

Although there appears to be no sin= gle predisposing factor for cultic involvement and although people of all walks= of life and psychological backgrounds get caught in controlling groups, there = are certain factors which may make a person more vulnerable to recruitment by a cult. MacHovec (1991) notes that intrapsychic personality dynamics can incr= ease susceptibility to cult recruitment. Cult victims may have cognitive needs, = such as a sense of purpose and direction in life. He and Singer concur with earl= ier observations stated by Ash (1985), that the following factors render some persons especially vulnerable to cultic manipulations: a high level of curr= ent distress, cultural disillusionment in a frustrated seeker, lack of an intri= nsic religious belief/value system, and dependent personality tendencies as indicated by a lack of inner direction, lack of adequate self-control (e.g., unassertiveness), low tolerance for ambiguity, and susceptibility to trance states.

Enroth (1977) views a major predisp= osing factor for people joining cults to be a lacking communication between paren= ts and children on the one and a strong desire for spiritual truth among young people which the cults with their clear-cut answers readily offer. Another reason cited by Enroth is an emotional deficiency, a yearning for love, experienced by young people - most likely also result of dysfunctional fami= ly relationships. His findings were confirmed by a study done on 45 members and 45 defectors from the Unification Church (Wright & Piper, 1986).
There is some research which sugges= ts otherwise. For example one study done with 42 Jewish families who had at least one child in a cult in comparison to 45 families of the same religion who did not h= ave a child involved indicated that    =

&nb= sp;           a) the children involved in cults had previously displayed psychological difficulties and    proble= ms in living,

&nb= sp;           b) their families tended to be less emotionally expressive and implicitly more critical

&nb= sp;           c) religious solutions for their difficulties seemed to be a viable option for=         &= nbsp;   these young people

However, the majority of research s= eems to contradict these observations. One representative example, a family survey = done by Chambers (1988), showed that the family histories between cult member and non-cult member families varied only in one out of ten subscales (independence). Solomon (1981), in a detailed case study of a psychotic and suicidal patient who had been part of a mass therapy encounter group, found that the patient’s history revealed no background to expect any mental problem, much less a psychotic break. The young woman had been a good stude= nt with good parental and social relations since childhood, never needing ther= apy or other treatment.

The majority of research done seems= to indicate that although there may be certain predisposing factors, they are = not a “requirement,” and virtually every single individual is vulnerable to cult recruitment at some point in their life.

It also needs to be stated here tha= t the vulnerability factors stand in no proportion to the powerful methods of manipulation denoted earlier which are part of the aggressive cult recruitm= ent process. As Martin (1995 - not published) observed, there is a tendency especially for mental health professionals and close relatives and friends = to “blame the victim”. Regardless of predisposing factors, it is t= he scrupulous psychological manipulation practiced by the cult that causes the victim to join and sustain psychological damage.

Psychological effects of cult mind = abuse

Next to traumatic experiences—= ;such as abuse by a leader—that are overwhelming to the human coping and adaptation system, the perhaps most devastating and far reaching effect of = cult trauma is upon the fiber of human existence: relationships. Herman (1992) writes:

“Tr= aumatic events call into question basic human relationships. They breach the attachments of family, friendship, love, and community. They shatter the construction of the self that is formed and sustained in relation to others. They undermine the belief system that give meaning to human experience. They violate the victim’s faith in the natural or divine order and cast the victim into a state of existential crisis... The sense of safety in the wor= ld, or basic trust, is acquired in earliest life in the relationship with the f= irst caretaker. Originating with life itself, this sense of trust sustains a per= son throughout the life cycle. It forms the basis of all systems of relationship and faith.” (p. 51)

One might compare the feeling of be= trayal and abandonment former cult members experience when they realize that their trust in people, God, or some other higher force was cruelly and brutally misused to the feeling of terror experienced by survivors of physical viole= nce. Herman writes,

“In situations of terror, people spontaneously seek their first source of comfo= rt and protection. Wounded soldiers and raped women cry for their mothers, or = for God. When this cry is not answered, the sense of basic trust is shattered.” (p. 52)

Similarly, former cult members comm= only loose their trust or belief in any higher power or system of moral principl= es when they realize that they have been deceived and misused while trusting in the guidance and protection of their higher force or “universal law.” They may ask themselves, “Where was God when I needed Him ...when I asked for His guidance?” ...and abandon their religious bel= ief system. The ensuing void in a persons life can then potentially compound the level of trauma and isolation.

Furthermore, the harmful psychologi= cal effects of cult involvement are not only determined by the degree of psychological manipulation and abuse an individual was subjected to, but al= so by the way the individual left the group. As Hassan (1990, p. 168) noted, a distinction needs to be made here between people

&nb= sp;           a. walking out of a group on their own for conscious reasons

&nb= sp;           b. being counseled out of a group, and

&nb= sp;           c. being ejected or “disfellowshipped” by a group

According to Hassan, “walk-outs” often are plagued for many years with the residue of cult mind control because they don’t receive professional help. This = may manifest as difficulties readjusting to life in mainstream society due to phobias they have been indoctrinated with or due to cult beliefs still held= by the individual. In his view it seems that “counseled-outs” are = best off, although they may still carry around “emotional baggage” - especially if, as he implies, they were “deprogrammed,” that is subjected to involuntary exit counseling. From his experience, “kick-outs” are “always in the worst shape of all former members. They feel rejection not only from the group members but, in the ca= se of religious cults, from God Himself.” (Hassan, 1990, p. 170) The rea= son he cites for their being ejected from the group commonly is “bucking authority and asking too many questions,” or having been “abuse= d to such an extent that they were burned out and no longer ‘productive’.”

So the extent of psychological harm= depends not only on abuse and psychological abuse experienced while in the group, b= ut also on the trauma experienced in the context of leaving the group, includi= ng the existential crisis of doubting one’s own belief and value system.= In this context it is not difficult to understand why among the most common symptoms caused by cult mind abuse are, as shown in a study by Wartling (19= 92) with 43 ex-members of “W= ord of Life”: anxiety, panic attacks, nightmares, nightmares and sleeping disorders, feelings of emptiness and guilt, and difficulty concentrating, handling emotions, making decisions and social contacts.

&nb= sp;           a. An Overview

&nb= sp;           Due to the multi-faceted aspects of manipulation, cult mind abuse causes a vari= ety of psychological effects, ranging from identity change to traumatic reactio= ns similar to those experienced by victims of civilian hostage situations, suc= h as the Stockholm syndrome of victim identification with the aggressor (West, 1993). As will be discussed later, the psychiatric symptoms caused by cultic involvement often meet the criteria for post traumatic stress disorder (PTS= D). According to MacHovec (1992), dissociative, anxiety, and personality disord= ers are being reported as results of cult involvement. He emphasizes that diagnostic criteria in the DSM-III-R should be used for cult-related disord= ers to ensure consistency, compliance with established standards, and to avoid personal or religious bias. The DSM-III (APA, 1986) categorized the effects= of cult mind abuse as

“At= ypical Dissociative Disorder 300.15: ...Examples include trance-like states, derealization unaccompanied by depersonalization, and those more prolonged dissociated states that may occur in persons who have been subjected to per= iods of prolonged and intense coercive persuasion (brainwashing, thought reform,= and indoctrination while the captive of terrorists or cultists.)”<= /p>
In the DSM-IV (APA, 1994), next to changing the name to “Dissoc= iative Disorder Not Otherwise Specified,” this part of the definition was slightly altered:

“St= ates of dissociation that occur in individuals who have been subjected to periods of prolonged and intense coercive persuasion (e.g. brainwashing, thought refor= m, or indoctrination while captive).”

One might wonder whether the cults,= of which many cooperate and network on a large scale, used their common strate= gy of legal pressure to accomplish the dropping of the examples.

&nb= sp;           Mart= in (92), director of the only post-cult rehabilitation center in the US, ̶= 0;Wellspring,” in Ohio, conducted a battery of tests that included the Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory (MCMI) to two groups of former cult members to assess = the nature and magnitude of post-cult psychological distress. Results of these = and other tests showed that distress at initial testing was high and that dissociation is central to the cult experience. The data seemed to contradi= ct the hypothesis that post-cult psychological difficulties reflect long-stand= ing pre-cult difficulties or personality traits. Apparently there was no direct correlation between post and pre-cult psychological difficulties. In other words, it appears that people did not join cults because of psychological problems. In an overview of previous surveys Martin lists depression, lonel= iness and anger towards the group leader, low self-confidence, flashbacks to the group experience, and difficulties concentrating as the most common symptom= s, with anxiety and trouble making decisions at the top of the list. He also f= ound that anxiety and depression decreased substantially after treatment.=

&nb= sp;           b. Pseudo Identity As A Stress Respon= se

&nb= sp;           West (1994) defines this paradigm s= hift or change of personality caused by cognitive dissonance as the adaptation o= f a pseudo identity which conforms with the demands of the situation ...and the group:

“Prolonged environmental stre= ss, or life situations profoundly different from the usual, can disrupt the normal= ly integrative functions of personality. Individuals subjected to such forces = may adapt through dissociation by generating an altered persona, a pseudo-ident= ity. Such a pseudo-identity enables the subject better to cope with the extraordinary situation in which he finds himself, regardless of how he got there.”

        &= nbsp;   c. Post Cult Trauma And PTSD

&nb= sp;           Is it possibl¥e that the discomforts and problems experienced by former cu= lt members are a form of PTSD? Reviewing the symptomatology of PTSD and compar= in it with the post cult experience of former cult members, there appears to b= e a close correlation. For example, headaches related to tension in the neck, u= pper back and are common symptoms with PTSD patients according to Duckro, Chibna= ll & Greenberg (1995). Their research showed that the intensity and freque= ncy of the tension headaches was in direct relation to the measures of anger, depression, and perceived disability.

Stages of Recovery

&nb= sp;           Ash (1985) offers a comprehensive overview of the literature available on stage= s of recovery. Although the time spans may not be adequate for each and every ca= se, they do provide a helpful basic structure and guideline. He cites Goldberg’s Stages of cult recovery as follows:

1. Initial Postdeprogramming - beginning with the “exit,” this stage “usually lasts from six to eight weeks, and includes the vast majority of the symptoms typically assigned to the ex-cultist’s clinical picture.” (p. 48) Some of the most common symptoms are (1) floating, which “refers to a disorder in the ego function of the sense of reality, where the subject experiences something similar to dissociation from self, a foggy feeling, o= r an experience of being far away while physically stationary.” (p. 57), (= 2) “childlike passive dependency with uncritical receptivity to authority,” and (3) “cognitive ego deficits (including indecisiveness, subservient physical demeanor, and glassy eyes.” (p.<= st1:PersonName w:st=3D"on">48)

2. Reemergence of the pre-cult personality - beg= ins approximately one to two months after departure and may take up to two year= s; this stage is marked by increased self-confidence, anger at the cult and parents (e.g. for not helping), a tendency towards anti-cult activities, testing out of previous “pleasures” denied by the cult; to many, the “fishbowl effect” of being viewed as different and strange = is most bothersome.

3. “integration of the individual’s = cult experience into his life. This stage begins six months to two years after c= ult departure. While the emphasis here is on future-oriented goals, the Goldber= gs indicated that the treatment of choice for this phase, is individual psychotherapy focusing on exploration of the factors which contributed to t= he individual’s vulnerability to the cult’s manipulations. ...The majority of the therapy here is focused on the promotion of readjustment to life outside the cult.” (p.49)

This model based on the assumption = that the individual was counseled out or “deprogrammed.” According to As= h, W. & L. Goldberg assert that “those individuals who were not deprogrammed have more difficulty, and take longer, in going through these stages of psychological recovery ...than those who were deprogrammed.” (p.48)

Ash raps up his understanding of cu= lt recovery in an illustrative analogy which may prove very helpful for clinic= ians desiring to effectively help former cult members move through the necessary stages of recovery:

“In= comparing dissociation to water, we get a vivid picture of what happens to the cult-induced disorder during the suggested stages of cult departure and recovery. Due to the cult’s reinforcement via dedifferentiation, the cultist’s dissociation will remain quite stable, i.e., “frozen,= ” while in the cult. However, once this extensive reinforcement is broken thr= ough during the reevaluation, the dissociative “ice” turns to “slush” as manifested clinically by ambivalence and floating du= ring the post-deprogramming stage of cult recovery. The reemergence of the pre-c= ult personality will then see the return of much affect, most particularly ange= r, i.e. “steam,” which, after it cools down, will give the ex-cult= ist the self-confidence and ego strength necessary to integrate his cult experi= ences with his extra-cult life. Only after his “water” temperature, or ego “thermostat,” has been returned to its pre-cult condition (= with him in control) will the ex-cultist be able to sustain a normal level of functioning in the world outside the cult, provided, of course, that a heal= thy pre-cult personality has emerged.” (p.81)

Analogies such as this can serve as= helpful mental maps. Regardless of what time span each of these stages assumes, all= of the significant literature seems to agree that the sequence has to be maintained for complete healing to occur. In other words, none of the steps= can be skipped, and it is the clinicians task to make sure that the former memb= er works through them. This can be tricky, as most former cult members tend to= try skipping the crucial step of grieving and dealing with the emotions of anger and hurt in order to “move on” with their lives.

Herman (1992) augments GoldbergR= 17;s three step model by distinguishing the following stages of trauma recovery:=

“Re= covery unfolds in three stages. The central task of the first stage is the establishment of safety. The central task of the second stage is remembrance and mourning. The central task of the third stage is reconnection with ordi= nary life. Like any abstract concept, these stages of recovery are a convenient fiction, not to be taken too literally.” (p.155)

Methods of treatment

Effective treatment strategies of f= ormer members are typically geared to restore pre-cult behaviors and to improve coping skills, increase autonomy and self-confidence, and strengthen the eg= o. Treatment for victims should emphasize restoring optimal psychosocial and personality development and normalized adjustment to self, others, and soci= ety (MacHovec, 1991). As suggested by Solomon (1991), effective therapy approac= hes include cognitive therapy, behavior modification, learning theory, and psychoanalytic techniques. She also presents specific techniques to help patients renew their critical thinking skills, understand their experiences, recognize cult-induced symbolic (“loaded”) language (stereotyped terminology which reduces critical thinking), interpret somatic complaints, recognize floating sates, resolve schizophrenogenic messages and guilt feelings, understand their regression, reduce night terrors, become aware of and express angry feelings toward the cult leaders, and change inappropriate behaviors. Overall, the gist of related literature suggests that therapy ne= eds to be individualized and adjusted to the stage of recovery of each individu= al. Next to gaining an understanding about cult manipulation techniques and the= ir effects, therapists also need to familiarize themselves with the “loa= ded language” (thought reducing stereotypes) of the cult and terms that h= ave been defined with negative connotations in the cult, as former members may react very sensitive to them. As a survey done by Langone (91) showed, “walkaways would relate less well to traditional terms such as ‘cult’ and ‘brainwashing’ than to terms such as = 216;psychological abuse, spiritual trauma,’ and ‘trust abuse’.” (p. 1= 34)

Herman (1992) once again provides a= deeper insight from the perspective of trauma recovery:

“The core experiences of psychological trauma are disempowerment and disconnection from others. Recovery, therefore, is based upon the empowerment of the survivor and the creation of new connections. Recovery can take place only within the contex= t of relationships; it cannot occur in isolation...The first principle of recove= ry is empowerment of the survivor... In the words of an incest survivor, “Good therapists were those who really validated my experience and he= lped me to control my behavior rather than trying to control me.” (p.133)<= /span>

According to Herman, the task of the therapist is to establish safety within the therapeutic relationship, which includes establishing and maintaining boundaries, and to foster the healing process which progresses from a feeling of safety to remembrance and mourni= ng and reconnection to society and life itself. Ironically this process much resembles the “talking cure” invented by Freud who in the latter stages of his life so vehemently denied the reality of trauma as cause of psychological distress.

&nb= sp;

“Exit Counseling” as intervention therapy

For those in close relationship wit= h a person who gets involved in a cult, some form of intervention often becomes= a viable option as they witness the deterioration of their loved one’s identity and personal life. Historically, there have been various approache= s to “exit counseling.” Until the late 80s desperate parents who were horrified by drastic personality changes of their children resorted to “deprogramming,” an intervention known as “involuntary= 221; in which the cult member was prevented from leaving home or a specifically prepared place so that they would be forced to listen to information presen= ted by “deprogrammers” who often were former members themselves. In contrast to horror stories perpetuated by cult leaders who naturally wanted= to prevent their members from listening to critical or “negative” information about their group, these deprogrammings, as various documentari= es show, were educational and conversational in nature. Deprogramming was base= d on the model that the human mind works similar to a computer in that one needs= to “input” new information to reverse the effects of “brainwashing” or repetitive indoctrination with cult indoctrination and ideology. A cult member would be shown videos and other information about their group and other, as well as about manipulation techniques and “mind control.”

Astonishingly enough, former deprog= rammers claim a rather high success rate (70 to 80%) “in the early days.̶= 1; As the laws were changed—possibly due to lobbying of the cults—= to prevent parents from holding their adult children in custody for deprogramm= ing, voluntary approaches to exit counseling emerged. Former deprogrammers compl= ain that the success rate is much lower as cult members now can do what they are indoctrinated to do: leave at the first sign of “trouble,” i.e. negative information that could cause them to reconsider their commitment to their group.

One of their earliest proponents of voluntary exit counseling was Steven Hassan (90) who, a licensed mental hea= lth counselor himself, practiced strategic intervention therapy, based partiall= y on Milton Erickson’s model of communication and influence. Giambalvo (95= ), who wrote “Exit Counseling,” proposed a highly interactive meth= od to help the cult member emerge from his or her controlled and dissociative state of mind. She puts much emphasis on education and adaptation of effect= ive, non-threatening forms of communication.

Also based on the paradigm that the= cult victim needs to make his own free choice to leave the group in the process = of restoring individual autonomy, control and dignity, Langone (1990) states t= hat the family must be taught skills for helping the cult-involved member. This involves three steps: collecting information, establishing ethics, and improving communication. All these forms of intervention—including “deprogramming”—place much emphasis on empowering the vic= tim of cult manipulation, which is in stark contrast to the agenda of cults. Wh= ile there has been much heated debate about whether it is ethical to hold an individual against his will for “exit counseling,” there has be= en surprisingly little commotion about the fact that cults frequently hold people at their indoctrination camps (until the indoctrination is successful) by simply not providing a ride back, and that the entire indoctrination process itself is essentially against the person’s will since it is performed without t= he person’s knowledge or informed consent, ultimately depriving the individual of his or her free will.

Sirkin (1990) takes a systems appro= ach to intervention therapy. He views cult involvement in the context of a relatio= nal disorder and suggests network therapy as an effective form of intervention.= The example he cites of an intervention involving over seventy persons over four hours to prepare an intervention most likely would deter all but those who could muster such extensive resources. The family therapist’s goal he establishes for treatment is to facilitate communication and assist the cult member along a path of normal development appropriate to his or her life cy= cle. The individual therapist’s task then is to enable a person to set and attain individual goals, different from the demands of the group, whether t= hat group may be a family or religious community. Beliefs here are—as in = most other forms of therapy—less important than the ability to choose free= ly personal goals.

Another interesting insight from a psychiatric perspective is provided by Galanti (1993), in an article on “Cult Conversion, Deprogramming and the Triune Brain.” Relating= her cult experience to aspects and functions of the brain, Galanti, who attende= d a Unification Church workshop, noted that the “brainwashing” affe= cted her emotionally (limbic system), rather than intellectually. According to h= er explanation, cult life involves much ritual behavior (R-complex) but de-emphasizes intellectual processes (neo-cortex). Hence, she reasons that “deprogramming” emphasizes critical thinking (neo-cortex) in or= der to stimulate the neglected and atrophied area of the brain. This in turn can allow the cult member to recognize the detrimental nature of the manipulati= ve cult environment and empower him or her to disengage from it. In order to stimulate critical thinking, the cult member might be encouraged, for examp= le, to compare the teachings of his (bible-based) group with the bible and to t= hink about occurring contradictions and their implications.

Galanti’s explanation is base= d on Paul MacLean’s model of the triune brain, which is functionally divid= ed into three major systems (p. 4= 6):

1. the R-Complex, responsible for “instinctive” behavior and learned rituals

2. the limbic system, including the thalamus and hypothalamus, responsible for bodily functions, and

3. the neo-cortex, known as the “thinking brain” which provides brain functions such as critical thinking.

Galanti observed in the UC workshop= s that no questions or criticism was allowed. They were to “learn the material” without questioning—drastically de-emphasizing the neo-cortex. “Many former members commented that they stayed in the cu= lt out of fear... a powerful emotion based in the R-complex. So, cults hook you and hold you by using the lower brain centers.” (p. 49) The way out then, logically, is to reiniti= ate the “higher” brain centers.

Although most literature appears to= agree on the importance of stimulating critical thinking processes and restructur= ing cognitive patterns to help the individual overcome cult-induced dissociatio= n, there is still a variety of approaches depending on theoretical and philosophical inclinations. Some stress more the emotional, personal interaction while others emphasize intellectual engagement. A combination of these based on individual client needs and stage progression seems most reasonable.

Cult trauma and PTSD

Some of the treatment methods descr= ibed for PTSD, such as cognitive restructuring and rational emotive therapy (Ellis, = 1994), may be valid and helpful for treating individuals suffering from the effects of cult mind abuse. Irrational, dysfunctional and destructive beliefs held by former cult members that can cause sustained emotional and psychological damage are, for example, illogi= cal conclusions like “I was deceived. Therefore I must be stupid.” = or generalizations like “I was manipulated by the leader/group. Therefor= e I cannot trust any authority figure/institution.” Helping cult members correct such false paradigms can be very helpful to their recovery.<= /p>

&nb= sp;           Due to the similar nature of post cult trauma, critical incident stress debrief= ings or CISDs (Smith & DeChasney, 1994), such as those used for rescue workers and military personnel following major incidents with numerous injuries or fatalities to prevent or help recover f= rom PTSD, may also prove to be very useful. In essence, these debriefings are designed to help the victim understand the nature of his trauma and to prov= ide an emotional outlet. As other studies show, crying of both men and women is quite common during these sessions, indicating the emotional nature of the therapy. This is also in line with research done in the area of adult onset post traumatic stress (Everly, 1994) resulting from violations of the individual’s weltanschauung (world view). The trauma may be integrated into the aspect of the weltanschauung t= hat deals with safety by reinterpreting the trauma itself, its validity, the ro= le the patient specifically played in the process of the trauma, and the overa= ll importance of the trauma. It appears that through debriefings and such cognitive restructuring the cognitive dissonance, the inner conflict the individual experiences, is decreased. The individual needs to learn to view= and emotionally experience his trauma in the context of an adjusted but sound w= orld view.

&nb= sp;           Both individual and group therapy according to the Bonny Method of Guided Imagery and Music (GIM) can be effective in the treatment of PTSD (Black & Bish= op, 1994). Carefully selected musi= c and the presence of the therapist provide a structure that allows images, memor= ies, and feelings to emerge. GIM creates a matrix of integration that elicits spontaneity, safety, and strength in the patient. Knowing that they have the potential to relax, concentrate, create, remember, feel, and relate to anot= her human being gives patients hope, connection, and a sense of meaning. This therapy may provide an interesting alternative for counselors treating form= er cult members.

A Public Health Model of Primary and Secondary Prevention

West (1990) suggests a three-step m= odel for social intervention (p. 139,14= 0):

I Primary:          A. Recognition of the problem

&nb= sp;            =            B. Religious Outreach Programs

&nb= sp;            =            C. Restoration of Family Values

&nb= sp;            =            D. Risk Factor Review

II Secondary:    A. Revelation: Legally requiring organization = that purports to offer services of any kind, including mental or spiritual, to reveal in advance all of the implications of participation or membership. In medicine this is called providing fully informed consent.

&nb= sp;            =            B. Reckoning - Accounting for the use of funds

&nb= sp;            =            C. Removal - of the cult member for a short period of time for review by an objective agent of society such as a court ...in case of a reasonable conce= rn for physical or mental health.

III Tertiary:         Providing reentry counseling and other programs for former cult members

Blingling (1990) states that “operating within the guidelines of the courts, college administrators should educate students and staff about the practices of totalist groups, d= evelop appropriate policies for the recognition of campus groups, and write polici= es addressing the specific cult behaviors that put students at risk.”

Chapter 3=

Methodology

a) Objective

The objective of the research is to gather information regarding the following questions:

1.&= nbsp; How were former cult members doing just before they joined? (mentally, socially, vocationally etc.; predisposing factors)

2.&= nbsp; How are they doing now?

3.&= nbsp; What was the initial appeal? (emotional, intellectual, spiritual)

4.   What caus= ed them to stay? (Fears, beliefs, etc.)

5.&= nbsp; What are the psychological effects of cult mind abuse? (most common symptoms)

6.&= nbsp; What has been most helpful to them in their recovery?

b) Hypotheses (In relation to above questions)

1. Discontentment about various aspects of life may be a predisposing factor f= or cult recruitment.

2. Cult involvement is not a sign of long-standing psychological problems.
3. The emotional appeal was strongest.

4. Fear was the pr= imary factor preventing exit.

5. Mental health declines through cult involvement (cult trauma).

6. Trauma is a major predisposing factor for cult recruitment.

c) Subject

For this purpose the author designed two surveys:

1. A survey for former cult members. No other qualifiers than being former cult member was selected because as the review of related literature and research had shown, anyone at some point in their life is susceptible to cult recruitment. Qualities such as age and occupation were to be investigated.<= /span>

2. A survey for mental health professionals/counselors. The only qualification h= ere was that they had to have experience in working with former members.=

c) Procedure

The first survey was administered v= ia mail, fax, and e-mail to a list of 30 mental health professionals the author met = at a cult awareness conference (CAN - Cult Awareness Network) in New York, and others he met by working in the field. The second questionnaire was mailed = or e-mailed to former cult members, some of whom the author met at that same conference, some of whom he knew through networking. No prior background information was available and thus had to be investigated through the surve= y in order to establish correlations. The author also asked former members at a FOCUS meeting to answer the surveys. FOCUS is an informal organization of former cult members that meets on a monthly basis. Furthermore, the survey = was administered through newsgroups on the internet. (e.g. alt.support.ex-cult, alt.religion.unification, alt.religion.scientology, alt.religion.boston-chu= rch)

Chapter 4

Analysis of Data/Findings

&nb= sp;           a. Analytic techniques

The gathered data was entered into = Excel spreadsheets and converted into tables and graphics, correlating relevant information. Means and totals were established, as well as data arrays depicting numeric representations of various responses.

&nb= sp;           b. Findings in relation to research hypotheses

1. Former Cult Member Survey

The following section gives an over= view of group demographics, as well as an analysis of the responses to the survey questions in relation to research hypotheses.

Questions 1. - 3.

The total number of responses recei= ved in time to be processed was 30. As the table below shows, 73% of those respond= ing were male, the average time of involvement was 5.85 years, and the average = time of being out of the group was 8.07 years. 13 (4= 3%) were out less than 5 years. About half of the responses were answers to the internet posting of the survey on newsgroups, the other half were responses from former cult members personally known by to the author.

Question 4.

As the following chart shows, the m= ajority of membership (40%) was from Bible-based groups, followed by psychotherapy-type and Eastern-mythological= :

Question 5.

Following is a listing of the groups represented by former members who responded:

Question 6.

Contrary to expectation, emotional = appeal was not rated as highest. Thus it appears that the data does not support hypothesis # 3 that the emotional appeal was strongest. Only 60% marked emotional appeal, compared to 80% who chose intellectual, and 77% who selec= ted spiritual as initial appeal. One should remember here, though, that these a= re subjective perceptions. It is possible that while the subjects perceive themselves as having been attracted intellectually and spiritually, they we= re in fact on a deeper, unconscious level attracted and “pulled in” emotionally by the use of subtle but powerful techniques such as “love bombing” (serving, affirming and “buttering up” the recru= it to gain his confidence and trust). Thus, the data is not necessarily in contradiction with the hypothesis.

Question 7.

As the following table shows, 15 of 30 (50%) of the subjects viewed their mental health before joining the group as good or excellent. This seems to support hypothesis # 2, previously confirmed by other research (Martin, 1992), that cult involvement is not a sign of long-standing psychological problems.

        &= nbsp;       Other reasons

        &= nbsp;

Question 8.

The reasons cited preventing exit w= hile in the group appear not to support the hypothesis (# 4) that fears were the primary factor preventing exit. As indicated, the comparatively “positive” beliefs of doing good (57%), spiritual/mental growth (77%) and changing the world (53%) were highest rat= ed. The second highest rating of “only (right) way to go,” however,= may indicate another primary fear of “going the wrong way” and thus making a mistake—a common tool used by cultic groups. Spiritual growt= h, the highest rating, may be the greatest desire which cults falsely promise = to satisfy—only to stifle their growth by making them submit to unquestioning obedience and rote ritualistic pseudo-spirituality, such as extensive, mind-numbing chanting and prayer sessions. Although the percenta= ge of identified fears is lower than that of the more positive beliefs, the to= tal number of fears listed (11) is higher than that of positive beliefs (7). Ag= ain, although the power of “positive” beliefs preventing exit may be= of primary significance, one should not underestimate the power of subconscious fears which are intentionally induced by abusive groups and which significa= ntly influence the decisionmaking process. The fact that one out of three (33%) identified the fear of losing their salvation/relationship with God and betraying their leader seems to indicate that fears are indeed a significant aspect of cult indoctrination.

Question 9.

As the graph demonstrates, satisfaction in every area was higher after the cult th= an before cult involvement. This may indicate that a certain level of discontentment or lack of direction prior to joining the cult may indeed ha= ve been a predisposing factor, which would be in support of hypothesis # 1. Another possibility may be that compared to the extreme dissatisfaction of = cult life, life after the cult seems much more satisfying, as the individuals can make their own choices, rather than have them dictated by the cult. When co= mparing an experience to an extreme, the experience itself often seems out of proportion. For example, students in a psychological experiment were asked = to put both hands into a bucket of lukewarm water after just pulling one hand = out of a container of hot and the other out of a container of cold water. The students were surprised how hot the water seemed to the hand which had been= in the cold water and vise versa.

Questions 10. - 11.

67% of the former members were work= ing full-time at the time of the survey. Although almost half of them (43%) were in the lowest income group (< $20= ,000 annually), it may be just as significant that 57% of former cult members we= re making between $ 20,000 and $ 100,000 per year, one more than $ 100,000. Th= is seems to indicate that former cult members are quite “functional̶= 1; according to social standards, which would support hypotheses # 2 that cult involvement is not a sign of long-standing psychological problems. More research would be adequate here to compare social and vocational standing of former cult members to the average of society. It should also be noted here that “functionality” does not equal “health.” One c= an still perform at work out of necessity ...while suffering miserably.=

Question 12.

Striking here is that 83% of all su= bjects were searching for truth/purpose/meaning in life at the time of recruitment, and that 60% were in a transitional stage. This is in line with a common understanding among specialists that a transitional stage is a major predisposing factor for cult recruitment. One out of three (30%) had a traumatic experience within a year prior to recruitment. This could be seen= to support the widely accepted premise (hypothesis # 6) that trauma is a major= predisposing factor for cult recruitment. It seems logical that traumatic experiences su= ch as the loss of a relationship or career would cause a state of psychological uprootedness and instability, a ‘weakness’ upon which cults foc= us by promising alleviation of distress through alleviation of self. Although a 30% response rate does not seem significant from a statistical viewpoint, o= ne should keep in mind that trauma is not part of common every day life experience, and that thus the probability for having occurred within one ye= ar prior to recruitment is also significantly less (which in turn would make t= he 30% response rate correspondingly more significant). Here again, research o= n a much larger scale would be necessary to establish more accurate tendencies = and patterns.

Only 23% had a satisfying career, a= nd only 13% had clear, specific goals. This also is in line with a common understan= ding among experts that a period of instability, transition and spiritual search renders young people vulnerable for being influenced by the promises of cul= ts. An interesting observation here is that in the German language the word used for cults is often “Jugendsekten”—which translates as “youth cults.” Thi= s may have its origin in the tendency that young people in the natural but unsett= ling transition from youth to adulthood are more vulnerable to the seductive lur= e of cults that create the illusion of simplicity and stability ...at the expens= e of freedom.

Question 13. - 14.

Among the most prominent symptoms w= ere negative and unhappy feelings (70%), as well as anger (60%). Loss of energy/motivation and feeling tired (47%), as well as depression and frustration/hopelessness (43%) were also among the most prevalent symptoms. This means that according to t= he subjects’ own perception—as compared to subjects’ assessm= ent of their precult mental health—about one out of two former cult membe= rs experienced major psychological distress as result of the cult mind abuse t= hey were subjected to.

Significant here also that 70% of a= ll subjects complained of having experienced 4 or more symptoms since leaving the cult (30% up to three symptoms). 50% had been experiencing 6 or more symptoms. This data supports hypothesis # 5 that mental health declines through cult involvement.

Question 15.

Only one out of three (30%) received psychological help (Question 14.), and of those who did receive help, one th= ird was in treatment for less than 2 months, another third for less than 6 mont= hs. All of those who did receive professional help attended individual counseli= ng, and 67% of them also attended group meetings/group counseling.

Questions 16. - 18.

As the chart shows, more than two t= hirds of all former members who responded have studied about cult mind control, and = nine out of ten believe in its existence. The same number of former members feels manipulated or controlled by the group they were in.

Question 19.

As the below table shows, former me= mbers rated sharing with others who had a similar experience (70%), studying about cult mind abuse (57%), speaking to family and friends (47%) and to the public (43%) about = the experience highest among the things that were helpful in their recovery from the cult experience.

“What I have learned ...̶= 1;

Following are some of the comments received in response = to the last survey question to former cult members (“What is one thing y= ou have learned from your cult experience?”)—expressing the wide r= ange of heartfelt emotions and attitudes of former members. Perhaps they should = give all of us to think.

&nb= sp;

My susceptibility to certain types of manipulation, and the depth of my abilit= y to deny what's going on. <wry grin>

&nb= sp;

I learne= d that I can't look to other people for happiness, I have to look towards myself.<= o:p>

&nb= sp;

How easi= ly people are manipulated by cults to do their bidding in recruiting

and maki= ng money/giving their money to the cult. How hard it is for most

people to understand this, and get over blaming the victims of the cult

with lin= es like "only stupid or gullible people get involved in cults",=

"yo= u must have been searching", "it's your fault you joined."

&nb= sp;

You have= to be careful who you listen to.

&nb= sp;

Never to= base fundamental personal decisions on another person's testimony or promises.

&nb= sp;

THAT I N= EED TO BE CAUTIOUS IN APPROACHING THINGS. THAT THERE IS SO MUCH OUT THERE THAT I DON'T UNDERSTAND AND THAT I N= EED TO BE CONTENT WITH THAT.

THAT THE= RE ARE DIFFERENT WAYS OF PERCEIVING GOD AND INTERPRETING THE BIBLE AND THAT I DON'T NEED TO BE IN BONDAGE TO OTHER PEOPLE'S OPINIONS.

I DO FEE= L A LOSS THOUGH THAT I DON'T HAVE ANY FRIENDS WHO'VE BEEN THROUGH THE SAME EXPERIENCE, AND PEOPLE WHO HAVEN'T BEEN THROUGH IT JUST CAN'T UNDERSTAND IT= , NO MATTER HOW WELL-MEANING THEY MAY BE.

&nb= sp;

That cul= ts operate-- they depend-- on people not thinking for themselves or=

trusting= in God, but blindly following another human. And that cults succeed because th= is is what many people want.

&nb= sp;

That I a= m also vulnerable to spiritual and psychological deceit.

(Stateme= nt by a present exit counselor who is also a former cult member.)

&nb= sp;

It’= ;s good to be open-minded ...but not so open-minded that your brain falls out.=

&nb= sp;

Putting = our lives, both physical, sexual, and spiritual, in the hands of another human being helps us avoid the responsibilities of making decisions for our own lives.

&nb= sp;

Think on= your own.

&nb= sp;

Ultimate= ly ...I DO have a choice!

2. Mental Health Professional Survey<= /span>

Questions 1. - 6.

The total number of responses of MHPs in time for processing was 22.

As the following demographics show,= more than half (64%) of the profess= ionals working with former cult members are former cult members themselves. The ta= ble gives an overview of the groups and institutions represented. The average M= HP had been in practice for over 10 years, having worked for approximately that amount of time with former cult members on a daily to frequent basis.

Question 7.

Very frequent to frequent symptoms = (m <=3D 2) were marked with a “<“. The most frequent symptoms identi= fied were a diminished ability to function, mood swings, anger, sleep disturbanc= es, “floating,” repetitive and vivid recollections of being abused,= a restricted range of affect, and dissociation. Depression as added as a cate= gory about midway into the project as many responses were marking depression und= er “other” symptoms. Hence, it can be seen as a major symptom as w= ell.

These findings support hypothesis #= 5 that mental health declines as a result of cult involvement. It seems that mental problems are not cause but result of cult involvement, which could be expla= ined by the psychologically harmful nature of thought reform techniques employed= by cultic groups.

Questions 8. - 11.

As the following table shows, about half of the subjects diagnosed PTSD and dissociative disorder. Interesting here that about one third diagnosed depression (32%) and adjustment disorder (27%), the former number correlati= ng with the number of depression represented by former members, although the number of former members complaining of depression was slightly higher (43%). The adjustment disorder can perhaps be understood by considering the culture shock a cult member experiences when leaving the social isolation of the cult environment. This data also seems = to support the hypothesis (#5) that cult involvement is detrimental to mental health. The most popular therapies were socio-educational (73%), cognitive-behavioral (64%) and psychodynamic (41%). All agree= d that counseling former members distinguishes itself to some extent from other counseling situations and that special knowledge and training is necessary. This furthermore demonstrates the dire need for education of mental health professionals in treating cult trauma.

Limitations and Implications for Fu= rther Research

Due to the small sample size (30 fo= rmer members, 22 mental health professionals) statistical accuracy is limited. It would be desirable to conduct a more in-depth version of the tests with a larger number of subjec= ts. Contacting former cult members proves to be a challenge, but through organizations such as the Cult Awareness Network (CAN), the American Family Foundation (AFF), and the Singer Foundation it should be possible to send o= ut surveys, as they keep mailing lists of former cult members. Confidentiality here is a major issue.

Another limitation was the fact tha= t about 50% of the former cult member surveys came through the internet in response= to newsgroup postings. This is an advantage in terms of reaching a large numbe= r of former members, but it also poses a limitation to accuracy, as there is no direct control as to whether the responses are from genuine former cult members. As a classmate suggested, it could be possible for cult members to respond in order to skew the results of the survey, but this seems unlikely= as cult members are generally indoctrinated not to partake in “negativity” against their group (or cults in general) or psychological research. This is so because leaders of effective cults know = that such information, even in the form of a survey, can be the crucial leverage= to break the power of mind control by causing the cult member to think critica= lly again. The possibility that someone would answer a survey “just for fun” is also highly unlikely and is statistically neglectable. In addition, the surveys are screened for consistency and believability before being taken into account.

One further limitation is that most former cult members have not received exit counseling or other forms of educational and emotional therapy and hence may tend to have a somewhat inaccurate perception of their pre cult, cult and p= ost cult identity and situation. The residue of mind control may for example co= lor pre cult memories with a dark overtone, as cult members are often taught to denigrate or deny their past—so that they might fully assume the desi= red cult identity.

This would suggest that a standardi= zed survey should be made nationally available to mental health professionals working with former cult members. The MHPs then could monitor the authentic= ity and accuracy of their clients’ responses. Despite the possibilities f= or inaccuracy which exist in every field of psychological research, regional a= nd national meetings of former cult members would also provide a firm basis for cult research.

Chapter 5=

Summary and Discussion

The research, consisting of one sur= vey for former cult members and one for mental health professionals, was designed to investigate the psychological context and impact of cult mind abuse, as wel= l as effective strategies for recovery. The test was administered partially via = mail and partially through the internet, as subjects responded to a posting of t= he former cult member survey on internet newsgroups.

The data supports the hypotheses th= at discontentment about various aspects of life can be a predisposing factor f= or cult recruitment (hypothesis # 1), that mental health declines through cult involvement (hypothesis # 5), although cult involvement does not appear to = be a sign of long-standing psychological difficulties (hypothesis # 2). In other words, it appears that cult involvement is cause rather than result of ment= al problems. From the gathered data it appears that cult involvement is indeed= detrimental to mental health. 70% of all subjects complained of having experienced 4 or more symptoms since leaving the cult. 50%= had been experiencing 6 or more symptoms. The data does not support the initial hypotheses that emotional appeal was the strongest initial appeal (over intellectual and spiritual) and that fear was the primary factor preventing exit. According to the data, the intellectual appeal was perceived as the strongest initial appeal by most subjects (80%), followed by spiritual (77%) and emotional (60%). It is possible however that the subjects underestimated the subtle and often unconscious power of emotional influence which is heav= ily used in cult recruitment and retaining of membership.

While members may have perceived th= at they joined because of intellectual reasons and stayed because of positive ideals and beliefs, it is possible that in reality the emotional power of affirmat= ion and “love bombing” pulled them in and that—in many cases—unconscious phobias of being harmed prevented them from critica= lly and objectively examining the group and leaving the destructive social environment. Cults commonly practice phobia indoctrination to recruit and retain members. The author himself recalls numerous such instances in the Unification Church. On one occasion, one of Moon’s earliest disciples, one of the “36 blessed couples,” who was then a church leader, relayed a “testimony” of a member who had rejected his directio= ns. According to leader’s words, the members’ child was born ...wit= hout ears—which by all members was instantaneously interpreted as a judgme= nt from the spiritual world to punish the disobedient member. Such stories were used to subtly plant fears of negative consequences for disobeying a leader= or leaving the church in the unconscious “robot” mind of all membe= rs.

The data furthermore implies that s= ubjects were generally more satisfied after leaving the group than before joining, which may indicate a predisposing factor of pre cult discontentment (Questi= on 9). Although 70% of all former cult members had been experiencing 4 or more severe symptoms, only one out of thr= ee (30%) former cult members received professional help in form of counseling. This demonstrates the dire need for providing mental health services to for= mer cult members, who generally cannot afford these services on their own after leaving a cult and usually being financially depleted. Among the most promi= nent symptoms were negative and unhappy feelings (70%), as well as anger (60%). = Loss of energy/motivation and feeling tired (47%), as well as depression and frustration/hopelessness (43%) were also among the most prevalent symptoms. Three fourths (73%) of all for= mer members had studied about cult mind control and 87% believed it exists and = that they were indeed manipulated or controlled—which is in stark contrast= to the claims of cult apologists who assert that “mind control” do= es not exist. It appears that the human mind cannot recognize its own state. J= ust as a person under hypnosis usually does not realize he is under hypnosis and decide to “snap out of it,” so it seems that individuals do not realize they have been under the influence of mind control or thought reform until they are “out” of the group and its influence. As the cla= ims of the abused sound outrageous to the uninformed bystander, it is easy to s= ide with the perpetrator who once again perpetuates the myth that “it nev= er happened” and that “the former member exaggerates.” Accor= ding to the data, what was most helpful in recovery was sharing with others who = had a similar experience (70%), studying about cult mind abuse/manipulation (57= %), and speaking out about the experience to family and friends, as well as in public. Further research needs to be done to verify the above observations. Notable about the mental health survey was that 64% of all MHPs were former cult members themselves and that the most popular therapies were socio-educational (73%), cognitive-behavioral (64%) and psychodynamic (41%). The most frequent symptoms identified were a diminished ability to function, mood swings, anger, sleep disturbances, “floating,” repetitive = and vivid recollections of being abused, a restricted range of affect, and dissociation. These findings support hypothesis # 5 that mental health decl= ines as a result of cult involvement. All agreed that counseling former members distinguishes itself to some extent from other counseling situations and th= at special knowledge and training is necessary. This furthermore demonstrates = the dire need for education of mental health professionals in treating cult tra= uma.

Cognitive Dissonance - A Graphic Model<= /span>

In order to illustrate the concept = of cognitive dissonance, the author developed a graphic model:

The core of personality is symboliz= ed by the overlapping section of the three circles. The three major aspects of personality (B,T,E) are in balance within the original frame of reference.<= /span>

The section is altered as one circl= e shifts due to an outside influence, creating an imbalance or dissonance.

Example: Through subjecting a priso= ner or cult recruit to a rigid work schedule, his behavior is altered and comes to= be in conflict with his thoughts and feelings.

To compensate for the dissonance, t= he thoughts and emotions shift. A certain balance is reestablished, however, in comparison to the original frame of reference all aspects of the personality and thus the core of personality have shifted. A fundamental paradigm shift= or personality change has occurred, which is described by some as the adaptati= on of a dominant pseudo identity (West, 1990). The author himself feels that he was indeed a “different person” with thoughts, feelings and behavior drastically different from his normal way of being prior to cult indoctrination.

A note on cult recruiting effective= ness / mind control

While being trained as a Unificatio= n Church lecturer, the author was repeatedly told by his Japanese leaders that the standard for a lecturer in Japan was 70 - 80% recruitment of all workshop attendees. If a lecturer could not influence and control that many people a= nd “make them join”, he was punished and released from his positio= n. This may also have been the case because in the Japanese culture young peop= le are educated to obedience. Disobedience is viewed as disrespect and a flaw = of character. In the US, the percentage of recruitment success is much lower, possibly because of the comparatively anti-authoritarian upbringing of most Americans. In the UC, however, the Japanese recruitment success was taught = as the desirable “standard” and “tradition” even Ameri= can lecturers should strive for—and feel guilty about if they could not r= each it.

From his personal experience, the m= ind control techniques of the Unification Church (“Moonies”) were so powerful as to cause a fundamental paradigm shift for him from ‘liber= al agnostic’ to ‘right-wing religious fanatic’ within a matt= er of days! Looking back on his own experience of being in the movement for 6 = 1/2 years, the author feels that he indeed was a different person—which supports West’s (1994) m= odel of a “pseudo identity”. The author also validates the use of hypnotic techniques as described by Miller (1986) according to what he experienced in his own indoctrination as well as in what he was taught for recruiting effectiveness.

Predisposing Factors

Coming from a stable German family,= the author feels he did not have any psychological problems before joining the group that were comparable to the symptoms of tension headaches, anger and depression he experienced after leaving, as well as dissociation while in t= he group. He did suffer from the trauma of a relational loss one year prior to recruitment, and he was in a transitional phase of his life—between h= igh school and college. He was also searching for meaning and purpose in life, trying to decide what to do with his future.

Psychological effects of the variou= s ways of leaving a cult

In the view of the author, “walk-outs” seem to be best off, psychologically speaking, as m= ost of them leave with an at least partially intact feeling of integrity and strength, which may serve as a strong foundation for their recovery. If the= y do not get information about cult mind abuse techniques to understand what happened to them, however, they may conclude that they were “crazy,” “weak” or “stupid” for allowing themselves to be fooled by the cult. They may fall into the pattern of “blaming the victim” that many unaware mental health profession= als, family and friends fall into. Low self-esteem and lacking skills for proper= ly processing powerful emotions of anger and grief can cause major long-term distress, and the common tendency to deny the problems and “just move= on with life” can compound and magnify the emotional problems which come= to increasingly haunt the cult victim. Also, unless such former cult members receive professional help or do their own research, they may stay in the cu= lt mind set partially or completely for years, still believing part or even al= l of the cult doctrine and feeling guilty about leaving.

People who are counseled out of a g= roup often have the necessary information and learn skills for dealing with problems, but subjectively they may feel that they were “made to̶= 1; join the group and “made to leave it.” They may perceive this a= s a major blow to their self-esteem, their feeling of autonomy and self-determination.

People who are “kicked out= 221; of a group are apparently worst off, as they are still entrenched in the cult = mind set, traumatized not only by the abuse experienced in the group but also by= the rejection experienced in their dismissal. They are left “without a rug under their feet.” Major issues of inadequacy, guilt, helplessness, l= oss and shame can complicate their recovery.

Regardless of the way a person leav= es, as many psychologists have observed, former cult members are abuse victims and trauma survivors who display symptoms much like victims of rape or other crimes. It is the experience of the author that he felt emotionally, mental= ly and spiritually raped, a sentiment which was shared and affirmed by numerous other former cult members he talked to. An internet acquaintance of the aut= hor shared that he felt like a “20-year-old in a 43-year-old body,” expressing the pain and grief of having been cheated out of a major part of his life by the cult. Imagine waking up one morning and reali= zing you're 30, but all you remember is that the night before when you went to b= ed you were 20. A black hole. All you have is the vague memory of a bad dream.= But now you’re expected to live and perform as a 30-year old, although in your mind you’re still 20. Sounds like a nightmare? It is.

Cult Mind Abuse and PTSD

Having suffered from depression, an= ger, nightmares and tension headaches himself after being abused in a destructive cult for 6 1/2 years, it appears to the author that the psychological effec= ts of this experience are similar to those of other traumas that cause PTSD. D= ue to similarity of cult trauma symptoms and PTSD, the author suggests the use= of the term “Post Cultic Stress Disorder (PCSD)” to qualify and la= bel the symptomatology of former cult members.

His father’s description of h= is grandfather’s experiences as a prisoner of war very much reminded him= of his own cult experience - except that instead of being in a physical prison= he was in a mental prison with no way out since the walls and bars were made of the toughest material known to man: fear. Phobia indoctrination is the most effective and powerful tool employed by cults to control and keep their members. It is a vital part of a set of carefully orchestrated techniques of psychological manipulation or “mind control.” Recovery from the traumatic experience of having been violated, controlled and victimized app= ears to resemble that of war veterans and survivors of domestic violence, which = may account for the author’s being able to identify with them.

Treatment / Suggested Interventions=

As has been established through rev= iew of literature and research, cult trauma much resembles other forms of trauma. Hence, a recovery process based on the principles of trauma recovery used in related fields as outlined in “Trauma and Recovery” (Herman, 19= 92) is advisable and called for. Unfortunately, there are only very few therapi= sts familiar with cult mind abuse, and it appears that there is at present only= one residential treatment center for post cult rehabilitation worldwide<= span lang=3DEN-US style=3D'font-size:13.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:10.0pt'>—We= llspring Retreat Center. Just as domestic violence against women and combat neurosis were controversial and even taboo topics until recently, so cult mind abuse= and cult trauma also are fringe topics that have a difficult time finding a pub= lic ‘ear’ and that call into question the credibility of not only the victims but also those mental health professionals who dare to investigate their plight and speak out for their cause.

How much easier indeed it is to side with the perpetrator and blame= the victim. One need not do anything about it. Ironically, in this attitude is hidden the fatalistic attitude of “Oh, that couldn’t happen to = me! I’m not that dumb!”—which is exactly the type of ignorance cults have specialized to prey upon. (“Oh, come on! You don’t believe in brainwashing, do you? ..So why don’t you come and check us= out for yourself! - “)

In order to facilitate proper treatment, more research needs to be done, as in the case of PTSD. Public awareness needs to be heightened to recognize the threat that cults pose to all of us. Financial means need to = be made available for research and treatment. Today, a former cult member need= s to spend $5000 for a two week rehabilitation program at Wellspring—to recover from trauma that was inflicted upon him. This unfortunate and unjust situation could be remedied if cultic groups were held accountable by law n= ot for their beliefs but for their damaging practices and unfulfilled promises, just as any mental health or other public service provider is. Religious fr= eedom is good. But not if it can be used as a veil to cover scandalous infringeme= nts upon the most basic human rights through mind manipulation, coercive persua= sion and blatant deception. In other words, cultic groups need to be made to pay= for the damages. They ought to be the ones paying for treatment programs such as Wellspring, for other medical expenses incurred as result of cult involveme= nt, and for vocational programs and schooling to help their victims reintegrate into society after having been isolated and deprived of vocational pursuits= .

Cult Mind Abuse Recovery and Success Motivation

Audio Tape Self-Help Programs - a viable option for the recovering ex-cultist?

For the first three years of recove= ry, the author held the following concept of “positive thinking,” accor= ding to which we always can choose our emotional response to any given stimulus. From a cognitive behavioral standpoint, the human mind in many ways is much like a computer. It can be programmed. Responses can be conditioned. Howeve= r, unlike a computer that is merely acted upon, we, as human beings can take charge and do our own programming. We can even change the programming that = has been done to us. This is the basis of applying cognitive therapy to success motivation, as well as trauma recovery.

Another analogy would be a field. T= here is a saying that “whether you sow weeds or a crop, both will grow equally well. The field does not care what you sow, it will produce the according results.” According to the success motivatin paradigm, our mind works much in the same way. If we are filled with negative information, hateful, isolating and limiting ideas of a cultic, controlling group, then not only = will our self-image and our emotions become negative, but the outward manifestat= ion of this internal development will be visible in our life-style, our behavio= r, and even in our physical appearance and health. The argument goes something like this: How does a depressed person act? Depressed. There is a certain b= ody posture and behavior associated, slumped shoulders, slow movements, shallow breath. And as our behavior, emotions and thoughts are in a reciprocal relationship, the influence and reinforce one another. In other words, once= you come to behave or act in a depressed way, that behavior will reinforce how = you feel. It’s a vicious cycle, and after a while it becomes difficult to determine the original cause, or at what point an intervention would be most effective.

Why do people become depressed? The= re are many reasons, but from a cognitive viewpoint, our thoughts determine our feelings. Once a person has accepted a belief system that causes him to feel limited in what he can think, feel, and do to realize his full human potent= ial, that loss of mental freedom will invariably cause him to feel depressed. The loss of freedom is one of the most depressing experiences in the human existence. Losing our physical freedom is debilitating, but loosing our men= tal freedom is devastating.

Why Audio Tape Self-Help Programs?<= /span>

Success motivational tapes which th= e author listened to as part of one his cult missions were one of the main factors contributing to his leaving the group. They pointed out the importance of s= elf esteem and a positive environment of growth thus providing a frame of refer= ence to recognize the unhealthy nature of the group and the relationships within. After leaving, motivational self-help audio programs were helpful in temporarily fighting depression and in goalsetting. Although tapes cannot b= e a substitute for a personal counselor, the beauty of the audio tape system is that

a) it is inexpensive and easily acc= essible. The listener can listen while driving, or in the comfort of his own home.

b) accompanied by work books it all= ows for an interactive approach, which is the main aspect of adult education. The listener can stop the tape, think about the material, take notes, write down reflections, or even discuss the material with others participating. ItR= 17;s like having the seminar leader there as a personal coach, who stops and rep= eats things when you ask him to. The semi-personal interaction has great potenti= al for facilitating the learning process and affect change.

c) repetition of the material is he= lpful and important in the “reprogramming process”.

This is another reason why the audi= o tape system is very effective. The individual can listen to the material over and over again at his leisure, learning more each time as he goes through it. W= hen we listen to a tape a second time it often appears that we did not “hear” a certain idea or concept. This occurs because as we pur= sue a thought that was stimulated by a certain passage, we “tune out̶= 1; and do not listen to the next few sentences. This is why relistening can pr= ove very valuable. It also requires that the audio programs are produced in an interesting and stimulating fashion, with modulating voice patterns etc.

Negative, self-destructive programs= in our mind cannot be erased, but they can be altered. Through repetitive positive input, formerly held negative concepts and associations which are stored in form of memories, can be “overwritten” or corrected, at least to some extent.

Although audio tape programs are an invaluable medium of communication and learning, for the former cult member they need to include correct and vital information regarding manipulation techniques, trauma and recovery.

As the author realized through his = own experience, “positive thinking” does not work for trauma recove= ry on the long run. The devastating emotions of unresolved trauma keep coming back, often with increasing force. It is easy to feel, “Why doesnR= 17;t it work for ME? Why am I still so angry and negative or dead inside? Maybe there IS something wrong with me!”

The reason that cognitive work alon= e is insufficient to resolve trauma perhaps lies in the truly emotional, almost physical nature of trauma. Herman (1992) stated, “traumatic memories = lack verbal narrative and context; rather, they are encoded in the form of vivid sensations and images.” (p.38) As animal experiments showed, “w= hen high levels of adrenaline and other stress hormones are circulating, memory traces are deeply imprinted. The same traumatic engraving of memory may occ= ur in human beings.” (p. 39)

“Positive Thinking” ver= sus Trauma Recovery

Although the “positive thinking” approach may be useful to some extent, it is far from sufficient, and can actually be counterproductive. A recent post cult rehabilitation program, which the author attended for two weeks at Wellspri= ng, Ohio, and a book he was there recommended to read, “Trauma and Recove= ry” (Herman, 1992), caused a major paradigm shift in his understanding of trauma and recovery.

He realized that “positive thinking”—if interpreted as “no negative thinking or feeling” —may actually perpetuate the cult-induced pathological mechanism of “stuffing” emotions into an emotional “tank,” rather than processing them. Keeping a positive attitude and thinking positive is important and has its place, but it should not substitute the real “feelings work” one needs to do for recover= y.

The Wellspring model of recovery is= based on the older and somewhat forgotten model of Transactional Analysis (TA), as well as trauma recovery models used in the treatment of domestic violence a= nd war trauma survivors. But before explaining the Wellspring model, another p= aradigm which much influenced the author’s perception about the subject of tr= auma recovery needs to be mentioned:

A Strategic Approach for Cult Trauma Recovery

Two years after the author left the= cultic group he had joined, Hassan (1990), a certified counselor and former Unification Church member himself who works with present and former cult members, taught him a helpful technique for dealing with cult trauma in recovery.

The cognitive or cognitive-behavior= al approach to counseling including therapies such as rational emotive and desensitization therapy is based on the attempt to alter associations and f= alse paradigms or perceptions of reality in order to constructively affect emoti= ons and behavior. Hassan believes that causing the patient to regress and reliv= e the trauma can actually be harmful as it may retraumatize the individual. This = view contradicts the Wellspring model of recovery which assumes that the individ= ual needs to reexperience the traumatic event with the emotions he was not permitted to feel then (by himself or his leader), in order for those emoti= ons to be processed and resolved.

In order to alter emotional “anchors” (triggers/associations) that have been caused by cult mind abuse or other trauma, Hassan developed a technique based on a combina= tion of several therapies, apparently including concepts from Ericksonian hypnotherapy and Psycho Drama. The technique works as follows:

1. The individual is asked to first= review the traumatic event by disassociating it emotionally. This is accomplished = by picturing the scene on a TV screen and putting the screen even further away in the mind’s eye if the scene is too intrusive.

2. Then the client is asked to pict= ure the scene—this time associating emotions—while creatively changing = it and “plugging in” the resources he now possesses, e.g. understanding and personal strength he or she did not posses in the traumat= ic situation. The client is instructed to change it in a way he feels it should have been, to explore various scenarios, from best to worst case possibilit= ies, but always with his own integrity and strength being intact, and always with the end of seeing him or herself walk out of the situation victoriously and with integrity and strength. A cult member for example could imagine fighti= ng off his cult leader with hidden martial arts powers, and then walking out of the room ...and the cult.

Both steps are important to be kept in sequence, as the traumatic experience fir= st needs to be emotionally detached or “disarmed” for the second scenario, the rewritten memory, to override it.

This method may possibly be helpful= and empowering not only for cult trauma but also for various other forms of tra= uma because the individual is empowered to feel and express the emotions of indignation and outrage he or she was not allowed or able to feel during the incident due to situational forces. By altering the memory and attaching new emotions, the victim in a way is empowered to reclaim his past and emerge victoriously. It should be noted here as well, however, that according to trauma recovery principles, the step of allowing oneself to feel and express the original feeling of pain and hurt, which may have been dissociated duri= ng the incident, is an important step in the healing process. Perhaps Hassan’s model, in a modified version, could be used in conjunction w= ith the other models of trauma recovery.

Transactional Analysis and the Well= spring Model

of Cult Trauma and Recovery<= /p>
The following is based on a transac= tional analysis model of trauma and recovery adapted and illustrated by Ron Burks = of Wellspring Retreat Center. The author, who attended a two-week rehabilitati= on program there found this model to be the perhaps most essential and valuable “road map” for recovery from cult trauma and he explains it as = he learned it during the program. The TA model is based on the assumption that there are three aspects of personality which are in constant relationship: =

&nb= sp;           1. Parent       =     - divided in “Nurturing Parent” (NP) and “Critical Parent” (CP);

&nb= sp;            =             &nb= sp;          “Sho= uld’s” and “Ought’s” (e.g. you should act this way); positive or negative      &nbs= p;             =         &= nbsp;   messages

&nb= sp;           2. Adult       &= nbsp;     - examines sensory data; makes decisions based on logic

&nb= sp;           3. Child       &= nbsp;     - divided into the “Free Child” (FC) which is intuitive,         &= nbsp;           &nbs= p;            &= nbsp;           &nbs= p;                 &= nbsp;   spontaneous, impulsive and the “Adapted Child” (AC) which is compliant and <= span style=3D'mso-tab-count:3'>        &= nbsp;           &nbs= p;        submissive

TA analyzes these internal transact= ions and their consequences as well as interactions between individuals. According to Burks,

·    Mind Control is explained by standard counseling theory.

·    Mind Control is about brain organization, not just techniques<= /span>

·    There is no secret central training center for cult leaders in= Iraq.

·    Cult leaders are not more effective than the CIA and KGB.

But how does it work? And how does = one counter its effects, according to TA and Wellspring?

In the growing person, the internal= dialog is primarily between the nurturing parent (NP) and the free child (FC). The dialog is monitored and compared analytically to stored information for “reality checking.” The somewhat negative and restricting communication from the critical parent to the adapted child (such as, “Don’t take that old lady’s seat! You should respect old people!”) is minimal and healthy.

According to this model there are four basic life positions:

1. The Growing Person

        &= nbsp;   “I’m OK, You’re OK.”

        &= nbsp;   Acceptance of and respect for self and others

2. The Victim

        &= nbsp;   “I’m not OK, You’re OK.”= ;

        &= nbsp;   Respect for others but not for self; low self esteem; easily influenced; “I’m     &n= bsp;     hurting and I      deser= ve it.”

3. The Persecutor

        &= nbsp;   “I’m OK, You’re not OK.”= ;

        &= nbsp;   Average cult member identifying with the group;

        &= nbsp;   Respect for self, not for others; “You need what I got.” “If you don’t accept my way it doesn’t =        matter what happens to you.”

4. The Rescuer

        &= nbsp;   “I’m not OK, You’re not OK.”

        &= nbsp;   (1) The Cult Leader (Narcissistic Personality Disorder)

  &nbs= p;         “If I’m not OK and You’re not OK it doesn= 217;t matter what I do to you.”

To the outside maintains a mask of “I’m OK, you’re OK” but behind it hides deep rooted, unbearable feelings of inadequacy and worthlessness which can only be temporarily alleviated through constant affirmation—in form of          = adoration, absolute obedience etc.—by others. The cult leader will go to any ext= reme to gain the absolute compliance and attention of his followers. One way to identify this position is to observe the reaction when one does not respond to this person’s “care” or give him the affirmation he demands. (Hostility, rage= and defamation are among the most common responses.)

        &= nbsp;   (2) The True Believer<= /span>

        &= nbsp;   “If I’m not OK and You’re not OK it doesn’t matter what happe= ns to me.”

The true believer defends the leader at all cost as he has abandoned all         &= nbsp;   adult type critical thinking to assume the role of “perfect object.” = His self esteem and self image are largely determined by the leaders vacillating acceptance and rejection and by the fulfillment of his role and mission. The true believer also gets angry when one does not respond to his ‘care<= span style=3D'mso-tab-count:1'>        &= nbsp;   taking’: “I can’t stand seeing you hurt.”

How does trauma occur from a transactional perspective?

The first model depicts a healthy, = parallel transaction based on the “I’m OK, you’re OK” paradi= gm. Example: A: “Looks like we a storm is coming!” B: “Yes, I think it’ll be raining soon.” Cross-transaction (2.) occurs as = an unequal response, when the critical parent “talks down to” the other person, addressing the adapted child. In the above example, the respo= nse of B would be, for instance: “Are you the weather man?” Whenever such a put-down occurs, the relationship of trust is diminished and the self esteem of the put down individual is damaged. A more subtle and thus perhaps even more powerful way of influence is covert transaction (3.), in which th= ere appears to be an equal or parallel transaction, but the response contains a subtle put-down.

Example: A: “I feel angry.” B: “Sounds like you’re struggling with your fallen nature.”

(The implication being, “You should control your fallen nature and thus yo= ur anger!”)

Example: A: “I can’t stand this person.” B: ”What’s the underlying feeling?”

A: “Anger!”    = ;    B: “Can you release it?” (Implication: “You should release it!”)

As a result of repeated cross-transactions, intimacy which is built on trust is replaced by intensity, which can turn into a form of emotional addiction. Although such relationships are painful and pathological, they can provide intense stimulation which fortifies the dependency. Each cross-transaction, open or covert, causes psychological trauma. To use the analogy of physical trauma, a small punctuation of a finger tip may not be significant, but continuous and consistent retraumatization will produce a lesion that could cause serious problems and even death through infection or blood loss. Similarly, relational patterns characterized by cross-transactions may cause serious psychological damage, especially considering the average amount of potentially harmful transactions an individual has every day. Cult leaders = and other abusers use cross-transactions to destroy their followers’ self= esteem and self reliance in order to illicit complete obedience, compliance, and dependency.

Whereas the growing person monitors= the dialogue between NP/CP and FC/AC and processes hurtful stimuli (traumatic experiences) as they occur, the cult member loses this ability as the adult part of his personality is squished, along with the nurturing parent and the free child. The critical parent now floods the adapted child with negative messages such as “Don’t feel that way! You shouldn’t be a= ngry or sad! That’s weak!” The adapted child cannot process emotions such as anger and the pain of being humiliated. It pushes them in a sort of “emotional tank.” As a result, the “emotional tank” which is used by the growing person only to store extremely hurtful stimulus (such as the traumatic emotions of an accident) for a brief period of time = to be processed later, becomes a permanent storage solution. Hence, the “emotional tank” of the cult member gets filled up to the point where excess pressure is “vented” in the form of anger outbursts etc. This is called “spraying.”

This “spraying” relieves pressure only temporarily and the individual continues to experience distre= ss and vacillation between intense negative emotions and emotional deadness. Another form the human system attempts to relieve pressure is by “leaking” in the form of physical complaints, touchiness, depression etc.

The growing person processes intense emotions in connection with the events that occurred. These complete and processed memories can be compared to “full pots.” A cult membe= r, however, who is not permitted to experience his feelings, stores the facts without feelings, much like “empty pots.” As a result, the cult member is detached or dissociated from his real emotions, which may account= for the often Zombie-like appearance.

Rehabilitation

Rehabilitation, which means to R= 20;live again” (from Latin: re-habilitare), then is the process of reversing = the impact of destructive relational patterns and communication and to restore = the natural way of processing emotions. Based on the above models it logically follows, that the nurturing parent and free child need to be encouraged in = an environment of safety and trust, and that the adult is activated to assign blame, examine the self-talk between parent and child, and to sort feelings while reality-checking.

Primary goals of rehabilitation then are to

1. Drain the tank.

2. Live without cultic support

3. Process emotion as it happens

4. Live “I’m OK. You’re OK.”

Wellspring staff fondly call this process “feeling your way back to life.”=

Perhaps in the case of cult recover= y, allowing oneself to experience and express the original feelings should pro= ceed the two steps of emotional and cognitive restructuring used by Hassan, as otherwise the hurtful, traumatic memories may persist, detached from emotio= n, as “empty pots” while the “full tank” of unresolved pain and anger remains. It is not only important to change triggers and to redefine experiences, but also to “empty the (emotional) tank.”=

The Educational Model

The purpose of the educational mode= l, once again, is to organize and structure the complex information regarding cult-related issues in a comprehensive, teachable way. Information becomes = more understandable and teachable when organized, especially a graphic way. One would have a hard time finding a specific record in a pile of file folders dumped out of a desk drawer. When the information is properly organized and labeled, however, the task becomes much easier and more efficient.

Hence, the author has devised the f= ollowing three-step model. (See next page.) After giving a broad overview to establi= sh a frame of reference, each step in this model—pre-cult, cult experience, and post-cult—can be focused and expanded upon depending on the target audience. The sections of this research paper may be used as instructional material and augmented by other information. For a school or university, for example, the emphasis might lie on the nature of cults and mind control, as well as predisposing factors. For mental health professionals, the focus wo= uld be on gaining a general understanding of cult mind abuse and the specifics = of cult trauma recovery.

Religious= Freedom and Cult Mind Abuse

Shrewd Public Relations moves of power-hungry demagogues such as self-declared Messiah Sun Myung Moon, who n= ow owns the Washington Times and the University of Bridgeport, CT, have fooled= the public, lulling them into a false sense of security. Traditionally, cults h= ave hidden behind the protection of religious freedom in this country, but considering the fact that any service providing institution or organization, particularly in the mental health field, have to undergo the utmost scrutin= y, it seems outrageous that harmful manipulative groups are accountable to no = one. Is it not time for the psychological manipulation of cultic groups, which t= urns individuals into modern day slaves, to be exposed and countered? Should the freedom of those be protected who intentionally infringe upon and undermine= the freedom of others? Should cults be allowed to apply psychological malpracti= ce to manipulate and damage the impressionable minds of people as they see fit= ?

The danger of destructive cults is = often underestimated until such tragic events take place as the Waco massacre (Da= vid Koresh) and the mass suicide initiated by Jim Jones in French Guyana. Do we need to wait until this happens on a national scale ...again? There has been more than one Hitler in history.

Although a foreigner, it seems to t= he author that America has fought far too hard and paid too dearly to surrender without fight the single most precious thing it owns: FREEDOM! As Antoine de Saint Exupery so eloquently formulated, "I know but one freedom and th= at is the freedom of the mind!" That is what is at stake in America today. Aldous Huxley’s gruesome vision of a “brave new world” has indeed already come true—in the cults. Although slavery has been abolished, cults have found a way to introduce a form of mental slavery aga= inst which there are not even any laws in existence. With the current rate of growth, almost everyone in the United States will be affected by cults—directly or indirectly—in the next ten years, unless increased measures are taken soon. This cancer feeds on ignorance, and its = only antidote is information and understanding. If we as a society do not want t= o be consumed by this malign growth, we as individuals need to take steps of act= ion, educating first ourselves, and then those around us—especially those = in decisionmaking positions of government and law.

Public Precautions against cults

According to Louis West (1990), cul= ts are a menace to society because they harm persons, families, and the community. Whatever good done by cults could be done as well or better by other organizations that do not pose the same risks to individuals and the public. The extent of cult-related harm done during the past 20 years is sufficient= to justify describing cult activity as an epidemic. A public health approach to the problem of cults should reduce their numbers and power, and thus reduce= the amount of harm done. The author strongly agrees with this approach.<= /p>
The leaders of Sun Myung Moon’= ;s “Unification Church” publicly claim that they do not destroy but rather uphold families. In reality, however, members who join the group sel= domly are allowed to see their families and when they do visit, they are “prepared” (indoctrinated) by the church not in any way to communicate with people who are critical of the group. The word “family” is simply redefined by the group to mean “our gr= oup.” The Unification Church even calls itself “The Family.” To preve= nt the members from getting too emotionally reattached to their family of orig= in, the group usually only allows members to visit for less than a week. (3-5 d= ays on average) The author himself only saw his parents for 3 days in the 6 1/2 years of my involvement—although he had previously been very close wi= th them and had never broken communication for more than a few weeks! The “social work projects” such as “project volunteer”,= a distribution project for surplus food, in which he participated, indeed were primarily geared towards recruiting new members, saving money, and presenti= ng a positive public image. From his experience, information is the most powerful preventative tool. A person who had even minimal information about the Unification Church and its strange practices was much more difficult to rec= ruit than a person who didn’t. If people found out the true nature or affiliation of the “student club” (CARP) in the very beginning, they almost always left.

&nb= sp;           In order to educate the public, the author has researched and developed his own home page on the world wide web (WWW), which now allows people in any part = of the world to gather vital information about the controlling and destructive= nature of the Unification Church, the group he was involved in. (A printout of the main page can be found in the appendix.) The internet address is:

        &= nbsp;           &nbs= p;            &= nbsp; http://www.channel1.com/users/ingo=

&nb= sp;           To find the page, people who have access to the internet can simply type in key words (such as “Moonism,” “Moonies,” or “Unification Church”) on their computer using a search “engine” or program such as Webcrawler, Lycos, or Yahoo. Hopefu= lly, students or people who are investigating the group because they have been approached will find information here that can help them to recognize the destructive nature of the group and to make their own choice regarding their involvement. The author has also produced educational video tapes exposing = the manipulative nature of the group and its teachings. It would be good if sch= ools and other institutions, even the government, would provide such information= for society, because it is indefinitely more difficult to help someone leave a destructive group than to prevent him from joining by simply providing him = with the necessary information. Like most others, the author would never have jo= ined had he known from the beginning that CARP (Collegiate Association for the Research of the Principle) is a student branch of Sun Myung Moon’s Un= ification Church, that Moon claims to be the Return of Christ, and that he would have= to work 20 hours a day to sell pictures for him... without health insurance or= any other form of compensation.

Conclusion

Cult mind abuse, cult trauma and re= covery, these are fascinating as well as frightening areas of human psychology, lea= ving vast areas for research and discovery. Whereas other social evils can conveniently be forgotten, this one will not be, as the growth of cults worldwide proceeds with an exponential factor.

From the surveys it appears that th= ere is a sense of loss, of missing the group experience, the community, the fellowsh= ip and sense of belonging. One mentioned "in many ways I miss the group living experience and the feeling that I was helping the world." This reflects a deep human need to belong ...and to make a positive difference. = It also says something about our fast-paced, non-caring, self-centered society= and life style ...which leaves a deep hole and yearning in the soul of the sensitive and makes them vulnerable to the promises and life style of cults. Cults know how to fill that void, that need in each individuals heart, by creating an idealistic pseudo-reality through the workshop experience in wh= ich the newcomer is seemingly unconditionally accepted and "love-bombed.&q= uot; At a meeting of former members the author met another recently exited former cult member who said, "I'd do it again ...just for the good feeling (of belonging and fellowship) at the beginning. There was so much love." T= he newcomer is not aware that this "love" is an illusion, a recruiti= ng tool, and the trauma occurs when he as to realize that the reality of cult = life is quite different. By this time, however, the psychological manipulation techniques have affected the individual enough to prevent him from leaving. What a cruel irony that the reality of life and relationships within a cult= is the opposite of the "unconditional love" and idealism promised. O= nce the author had committed his life to the UC, the demands, expectations and = the pressure ever grew ...until it was virtually unbearable and there was hardl= y a day without guilt or fear of punishment for failure to live up to his leade= rs demands.

Perhaps the problem of cult expansi= on should give us to think. To think what is wrong with our society and educational system ...and what we as individuals can do to change it. Each = one of us can make a difference, by living more in the "here and now"= of relationships, by listening and talking to those we care about, by taking t= he time to express love and care to them, by informing those around us about c= ult mind abuse, by being real, by not dropping but picking up trash and telling others to do the same, by having a vision for a better world. In other word= s, by choosing to be part of the solution, rather than part of the problem.

In terms of our educational system = it means educating and nurturing critical, independent thinkers with a moral and eth= ical value system, rather than conformed “repeaters of information” = and “multiple choice specialists” who have learned to compromise th= eir integrity by marking options they do not believe to be true ...for the sake= of a grade. What is missing in our society is community, a network of loving, caring relationships—family values. The best prevention of the cultic explosion, after all, appears to = be information ...and love.