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Background and Work up to 1909 Wilhelm
Ostwald was born on 2.9.1853 as the second son of a master cooper in Riga,
where he grew up. He studied chemistry in Dorpat, mainly under the tutelage
of Liebig’s pupil Carl Schmidt (1822-1894), to whom he also owes his
motivation to become involved with the history of science, Johannes Lemberg
(1842-1902), who raised questions of physical chemistry, and Arthur von
Oettingen (1836-1920), who imparted mathematical and physical stimulation. In
1877 he defended his master’s dissertation “Volumchemische Studien über
Affinität”, and was appointed Privatdozent when he gained his first
experience in teaching. In 1880 he married; from his marriage with Helene von
Reyher (1854-1946) there ensued three sons and two daughters (his son
Wolfgang Ostwald (1883-1943) became a well-knows colloid chemist).He was
appointed professor at the polytechnik in Riga in 1882 with a glowing
recommendation from Dorpat. His areas of research were applications of the
law of mass action, measurements of chemical reaction kinetics, and the
conductivity of solutions. For this he specifically developed the pyknometer
for the determination of the density of liquids and a thermostat, both of which
were named after him. His spirited teaching and publication activities soon
gave rise to a school of science in Riga which was recognizable by the
constantly increasing number of students, and made the construction of a new
institute necessary. From the beginning, he sought communication with
colleagues, and he undertook journeys, principally to become familiar with
laboratories in Germany – the first as early as 1882/83 (“laboratory
travel”). In 1884 he became acquainted with Svante Arrhenius (1859-1927) and
his ideas on the electrical conductivity of acids, which led to the
dissociation theory of strong electrolytes (honored with the Nobel Prize in
1903). Their work together in Riga improved measurement methods and
instrumental possibilities – in this way Ostwald developed his famous
viscometer in 1885 – and the same time promoted Arrhenius’s scientific
recognition which initially had been denied him in his Swedish homeland
because he could not be clearly identified as either a chemist or a
physicist, and his outline of a future theory of electrolyte dissociation was
not universally accepted because of its intellectual boldness. The new,
specialist area of physical chemistry has aroused relatively little interest,
even in Germany, partly because of the high mathematical demands and partly
because of the more favorable opportunities available at universities for
organic chemists. Ostwald too had been warned by such highly experienced
teachers as Hans Landolt (1831-1910) at the beginning of his career of the
difficult path of physical chemistry (up to that time still not regarded as
an independent specialist area) which was bristling with complicated
questions of methodology and mathematics. It was necessary to be ingenious
and develop essential equipment or to get hold of special chemicals – hence,
Ostwald’s later “acid journey” of 1887 served mainly to collect acid samples
– and moreover there were only a few books specially devoted to physical
chemistry. Ostwald wanted to fill this gap with his “Lehrbuch
der allgemeinen Chemie”, the first volume of which appeared in 1885
(the second volume appeared in 1887). the work brought together the scattered
knowledge on physical chemistry in a systematic way and pointed to
outstanding problems, and thus gave stimulus to recognize research trends. |
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Once this
overview was available, Ostwald considered a journal to be necessary. This
approach, first to determine the current state of knowledge and questions
still unanswered and then establish a scientific publication from this status
quo, was retained as a methodic concept when in 1899 he justified his
critical position against the “Archiv der wissenschaftlichen Photographie”. |
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In spite
of the skepticism of a number of colleagues on matter such as the demand and
availability of material, Ostwald pushed forward the founding of the “Zeitschrift für physikalische Chemie” with urgency
in 1887 in order to establish his future claim as leader in this specialist
area, especially as he learned of the founding of an analogous journal by a
young colleague in Berlin and “did not wish to live as a lodger in his own
house”. He succeeded in winning over Jacobus Henricus van’t Hoff (1852-1911)
from Amsterdam as copublisher, who was already recognized in this new
specialist area through his work on the position of atoms in space and the
optical isomerism of hydrocarbons. That was an important prerequisite for the
future success of the journal, It became the most journalistic forum for
rapidly increasing physical-chemical debates, and one had to be familiar with
it because it informed comprehensively and because Ostwald often reported
very brusquely and arrogantly. |
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In the
following years the intensity of direct communication between van’t Hoff,
Arrhenius, and Ostwald grew. They formed the elite corps of the “wild legion
of ionists”, so named, and thus cited gladly, by Ostwald to publicize the
understanding of the new ionic theory more effectively in vigorous debate.
The basis of this theory was that the molecules of a number of substances
break down in more or less dilute solution into electropositive or
electronegative particles (ions), which brought about electrical
conductivity. The triumvirate undertook ground-breaking work in chemical
kinetics, generally on the relationships between physical parameters and
chemical properties, and succeed in establishing physical chemistry as a
chemical discipline equal in status to inorganic and organic chemistry. |
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Van’t Hoff
developed the theory of dilute solutions on the basis of osmotic pressure,
the laws for ideal solutions, and gas theory analogies for all thermodynamic
derivations, Arrhenius extended the theory of the dissociation of
electrolytes, undertook the calculation of the degree of dissociation and
measurement of reaction rates, as well as of activation energy and the
equilibrium between passive and active molecules, and Ostwald investigated
the relationships between dissociation constants and chemical constitution,
set out the mathematical calculation of the dilution law for molar
conductivity named after him, and – last but not least – he contributed above
all the institutionalization of physical chemistry. For that reason his
appointment to the professorship for physical chemistry at the university of
Leipzig in 1887 – at that time the only professorship in Germany explicitly
with this designation – following the departure of Gustav Wiedemann
(1826-1899), was an important event. |
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For
Ostwald a second great creative epoch began, and a further school, the
Leipzig school, grew up. His enthusiasm had an effekt on students because of
his didactically clear teaching, his electrifying lectures, and his richness
of ideas. More books appeared from 1889 onwards, including the “Grundriß der
allgemeinen Chemie”. With the series “Ostwalds’s
Klassiker der exakten Naturwissenschaften”, also published in 1889 and
still in existence today, in which newly printed key scientific publications
could be more widely accessible and their content of ideas heuristically
productive, he established himself as a scientific historian. |
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Since aids
to methodology were then not available to the students of physical chemistry
in a focused manner, Ostwald wrote them himself, including an introduction to
physical chemical measurements. Like any of his books, the clearly presented “Grundlagen der analytischen Chemie” was published
in several languages. |
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Ostwald’s
rise was steep and unmistakable. However, the rapidly growing quantity of
publications, his claim to the leading role as central critic of physical
chemistry, and his versatility appeared suspect to many. Indeed, with
exaggeration and absolutization in his lectures and responses, Ostwald
frequently gave cause for dispute, particularly during the early years. |
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In 1894 Ostwald contributed substantially to the
scientific recognition of a further specialist area, was cofounder of the
“Deutsche Elektrochemische Gesellschaft” (in 1902 he pushed through the name
Deutsche Bunsen-Gesellschaft für angewandte physicalische Chemie), and the
“Zeitschrift für Elektrotechnik und Elektrochemie” (from 1985 onwards
“Zeitschrift für Elektrochemie”). Since, in Ostwald’s view,
an overview of knowledge should precede the founding of a specialist journal,
the second edition of his textbook “Lehrbuch der allgemeinen Chemie”,
especially its second volume, and “Die wissenschaftlichen Grundlagen der
Analytischen Chemie” of 1894 may seemingly have assumed this role. In
addition, fundamental work by Walther Nernst (1864-1941) and others were
available. Ostwald’s “Elektrochemie, Ihre Geschichte
und Lehre” appeared in 1896. |
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From the
beginning of the 1890’s he turned increasingly to philosophy. His ideas
conflicted with atomic theory, which he had supported for many years, and he
henceforth wanted to distance himself from the atomic hypothesis. Like Ernst
Mach (1838-1916), Franz Wald (1861-1930), and other scholars, whose influence
need not be discussed here, he too wanted to manage without the concept of
the atom in the definition of chemically pure materials, and wanted instead
to find a thermodynamic explanation. In place of the material postulate, he
used the concept of energism as a central theme, and the use of the atom as a
“picture” or hypothesis did not hinder him during the years of teaching
activities, in serving on the Atomic Weights Commission, etc. – His lecture
“Die Überwindung des wissenschaftlichen Materialismus” at the meeting of the
Gesellschaft Deutscher Naturforscher und Ärzte in Lübeck in 1895, in which he
introduced his concept of energism, met largely with rejection, particularly
by Ludwig Boltzmann (1844-1906), but with some agreement, or at least some
interested parties. In spite of all the debate, he later regarded Planck’s
quantum hypothesis and even Einstein’s formula on the relationship of mass
and speed as confirmation of his energism concept. On the basis of the
research on radioactivity and Brownian Movement he allowed himself to be
converted to atomism and regarded it “as a well-founded theory” in 1908, but
he did not revise the relevant passages of his textbooks. |
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Over the
next few years his scientific work concentrated increasingly on investigations
into catalysis. He was able to derive a valid definition, according to which
a catalyst does not induce a process, but accelerates it without appearing in
the final product; in this way important advances in chemical kinetics were
stimulated. It was mainly for his work on catalysis, but also in part for his
work in chemical equilibria and rates of reaction, that he received the Nobel
Prize in 1909.Ostwald developed an industrial catalytic process for the
production of ammonia from free nitrogen and hydrogen, which he patented, but
which proved not to be economic. His work on ammonia oxidation was
considerably more promising; later Walter Nernst and principally Fritz Haber
(1868-1934) continued the work under different conditions of pressure, temperature,
etc. |
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From about
1897 Ostwald became involved in a science policy dispute to oppose the
introduction of a state examination for chemists. This was demanded by
industry to ensure a generally demonstrable and testable level of scientific and
relevant education. The universities saw this as an attack on their autonomy
of teaching content and also as a threat to their traditional sole right to
grant doctorates, and they feared corresponding demands for equality on the
part of technical high schools. Ostwald supported the position of the
universities that it was for them alone to impart scientific principles and
qualification for research. He formed an alliance with Adolf von Baeyer
(1835-1917) and Viktor Meyer (1848-1897) and organized questionnaires, etc.
The threatened introduction of the examination was eventually dropped, but
resulted in the foundation of the “Verband der Laboratoriumsvorstände”
together with resolutions for unified examination regulations. A preliminary
conclusion of the general debate on the couse content and examinations
connected with this issue, and the question of prestige altogether, resulted
finally in the introduction of the right for technical high schools to grant
doctorates, for Berlin in 1899. “... The transfer of a specific right of
universities (can) perhaps become dangerous”, wrote von Baeyer to Ostwald,
“Does this strike at the heart of university? Perhaps! But can we prevent
it?...” |
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a
new institute |
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As the number
of students continued to increase in Leipzig, Ostwald – as before in Riga –
was able to set up a new institute. Opened in
1898, it soon became a Mecca of physical chemistry of international repute. The
pressure over many years of research, lectures, practical courses and
examinations, criticisms, and the building of new institutes as well as the
numerous organizational talks in the university, journals, or organizations
had led in the meanwhile to repeated states of exhaustion. Ostwald called it “overtaxing
the brain”, and he rejuvenated himself with numerous extended holidays. He
also included his exhaustion syndrome as the subject of theoretical
considerations in his theory formed after 1900 for the economic handling of
one’s own energy. He even developed a special formula for happiness. |
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From about
1900 Ostwald developed his energism concepts into an ethically charcterized
system, “energetic monism”, held lectures and seminars on natural philosophy,
and published the “Annalen der Naturphilosophie”. The
rationale of these thoughts lay in the so-called “energetic imperative”:”Do
not waste energy, ennoble it!” The sole proven means to actually knowingly
and rationally handle of the potential of human energy in science, with which
in principle all problems can be solved. His general promotion of a
scientific conception of life, of the struggle against mysticism and
religion, as well as the later takeover and leadership over many years by
Ostwalld of the Monist league founded by Ernst Haeckel (1834-1919), and his
later public Commitment to the question of church secession as wellas in
pacifism were totally resolute because stupidity, fals belief, warlike
destruction of cultural values, and energy-consuming disagreements meant a
squandering of energy which mankind could not afford. His commitment to an
international language (Esperanto, Ido) for the purposes of energy-conserving
international communication also represented one of the consequences. |
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In order,
for example, to be able to employ scientists according to their abilities,
and thus to be able to utilize their energy resources more efficiently, that
is, for the purpose of the “management” of intellect and genius, Ostwald made
use of his biographical and historical (“psychographical”) studies in “Große Männer” to draft a typology of creative
scholarly personalities, which he divided, each according to depth of ideas,
behavior, and productivity, into “classicist” and “romanticist”, even when
these were misleading and frequently coined terms (he also mentioned
“organizers” and “mixed types”). |
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The reflections on energism and natural philosophy matured
as part of Ostwald’s conceptions for a far-reaching systematic “science of
science”, the fundamental ideas of which he first presented in 1903. Concepts
of scientific doctrine were a frequent topic amongst scholars within the
context of the changes in the relationships between science and society since
Georg W.F. Hegel (1770-1857). Ostwald knowingly connected with the positivist
August Comte (1798-1857). He developed, however, a classification of sciences
(1904) which did not set the natural sciences against the humanities, but
conceived them as interdependent aspects of the cognitive process. In a “science pyramid” the sciences are built up upon
each other according to the degree of abstraction of their respective
inherent fundamental concepts: at the base the disciplinary sciences as
mathematics, and above the sciences with increasingly diverse concepts up to
sociology. |
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From about
1903 Ostwald’s weariness for teaching increased, he ardently wishes to be
able to devote himself solely to natural philosophy, to questions of
scientific theory and organizations. He yearned for a research professor of
the type van’t Hoff had enjoyed in Berlin since 1895/96 that was financed by
academia and university ant wanted to leave Leipzig altogether. In about 1905
it became clear that he was not going to take over Landolt’s vacant
professorship in Berlin – he could perhaps have been included in the list of
nominees for the sake of honor, since his top position in Leipzig was regarded
as unrivaled. His attempt to become an “academic” regarding questions of the
philosophy of art also failed. |
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Abruptly,
even brusquely, he henceforth ended his activities at Leipzig university, the
place of long and successful involvement. The decision was regarded by many
as incomprehensible. Prior to his change to a life as a private scholar, the
prestigious invitation to work during 1905/06 as the first German exchange
professor in The USA reached him. |
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Ostwald
entered retirement on the 30.9.1906 to live in his country house “Energy” in
Großbothen, where he was extensively occupied with questions of scientific
research and organization and the history of science, and was still
frequently engaged publicly. |
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The year 1909
brought him the peak of achievement, for after many nominations, just in time
according to the statues, and justified by close reference to his research on
catalysis, he finally received the Nobel Prize foe Chemistry. |
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